Rogue Generals: A Different Post-EDSA Uno Philippines TL

TheRomanSlayer

Kayabangan, Dugo, at Dangal
Prologue: What Has Happened Right Now


A/N: This is a TL that I started back in alternate timelines. Keep in mind that I will make a significant amount of edits in the Sietch version, as opposed to the alternate timelines version. At some point, I will probably revive "The Red Baron's Mitteleuropa" or my TL in need of constant reboot about a different Russian Empire that focused more on Asia-Pacific than Europe.

And yes, this format is inspired by another famous post-Cold War TL, "Zhirinovsky's Russian Empire", except that the insanity of ZRE is transplanted to a certain SE Asian nation whose dictatorship is also on the verge of collapse, only to go horribly wrong.

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International Community Watches with Trepidation as Philippines Holds Country’s First Elections Since 1986
Associated Press

March 16, 2016

Manila, PHILIPPINES – Facing tremendous international pressure as well as renewed UN sanctions on the island country, the Council for National Sovereignty, as the self-style junta calls itself, has agreed to hold the country’s first election since 1986 when both former president and dictator Ferdinand Marcos and the late widow of assassinated opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr.’s wife Corazon Aquino claimed victory at the polls. Though the de facto leader of the CNS has dismissed calls for choosing one of their own leaders to campaign for the seat of President, Artemio Tadiar has not ruled out the possibility of running for the Presidency as an independent candidate, despite not holding any seats in the House of Representatives as a congressman.

“We are not sure if this upcoming election will be considered fair, given that the military junta still holds significant power in the government,” says prominent human rights activist Jesse Robredo from his exile in Australia. “The fact that we are still at war with ourselves from what has happened in 1986 is an indication of our failure to create a smooth transition from the Marcos dictatorship means something to our fellow Filipinos, who find themselves scattered around the world.”

Not all Filipinos, however, are optimistic about the upcoming election. For some, the upcoming elections only made them more skeptical about the planned transition of power to a civilian-led government.

“My sister has already fled to America because of her ties to the opposition movement that is based there, while my youngest brother was already killed by right-wing death squads for his ties to the communists,” Ernesto Sugat comments. “This election will not bring my brother Mateo back from the dead.”

Though it is not confirmed, seventeen candidates have filed their applications to the election office in Manila and within weeks, they will receive their confirmation on whether their candidacy will be valid and legitimate. Among them, Rolando Andaya Jr. is confirmed to take part in the election as a representative of the Philippine Democratic Socialists while Rolando Uy is also confirmed to take part as a representative of the United Nationalist Alliance. A party supporting the military junta, the Radical Unity Movement - Bantay, selected Jovito Palparan as its candidate, but it is unsure if Tadiar will accept Palparan as his potential rival. Even mere weeks after the upcoming election was announced for May 9 this year, reports of assassins for hire has circulated.

“I would not be surprised if even one candidate was killed in the first few months of the election campaign, let alone first few days. We have conniving rival candidates seeking to position themselves as a better alternative to whoever dies first,” Miguel Siongco comments from his place of exile in Singapore. “My oldest brother attempted to challenge the junta back in 2001 with a campaign to end military rule, but nearly died by the same right-wing death squads. I’m afraid for my life now that these same assassins for hire are now being recruited by the same junta to keep their rivals in check.”
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FIFA WORLD CUP 2026 PROPOSED BIDS MIRED BY BID CONTROVERSY
Japan Times

September 23, 2017


Bern, SWITZERLAND – The selection of the next host for the 2026 FIFA World Cup has already encountered several problems, all of them relating to the proposed bids. After the 2002 World Cup when both the former South Korea and Japan proposed to co-host the tournaments together resulted in its rejection and Japan eventually won the right to host the 2002 tournament, FIFA President Sepp Blatter ruled out any further joint bids, leading to a whopping 10 separate bids. With the 2010 World Cup being hosted by Colombia, the 2014 World Cup being hosted by Kazakhstan, the 2018 World Cup being hosted by Mexico and the 2022 World Cup being hosted by Spain, only the member states of OFC and CAF were permitted to submit their bids. Within the OFC, only New Zealand submitted their bid, and even they have a slim chance of hosting, and their proposal of co-hosting the tournament with Australia has been rejected by Blatter personally. The CAF saw Nigeria, Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco submit their bids separately, and like their Middle Eastern counterparts, the hot climate might make it a challenge for them to host such a tournament. However, New Zealand’s challenge when it comes to hosting the tournament is unique in that out of eight proposed stadiums in New Zealand, five to six of them are used solely for rugby matches, while the rest of the stadiums do not have the capacity to host tens of thousands of fans for football matches.

Still, the fact that ten bids have been submitted indicates that FIFA might be seeking to promote the tournament in areas of the world that have not had the exposure to enough football tournaments yet. Korea’s only experience in hosting a major tournament was the 2000 Asian Cup when it was still South Korea and the former North Korea was still a separate nation. The tournament in Seoul would be known for its infamy when during the final match between China PR and Japan, there were various fights between the two fans and both teams received a record of 6 yellow cards each and only two red cards each as well. The tournament also had another dark chapter when Chinese fans had accidentally killed a Filipino tourist mistaken for a Japanese fan outside a bar in Pyeongchang, leading to the notorious 2002 friendly match between the Philippines and China PR when Filipino fans not only booed the Chinese anthem (for which the Philippine Football Association was levied a $200,000 for disrespecting the anthem) but instigated fist fights between the two fans.

"Football violence is still a tragic part of the sport, and it is hardly surprising that two nations with significant political baggage would find themselves fighting on the football field," comments football documentary filmmaker Danny Dyer. "Normally, we associate football violence with Europe and South America, where the passion for the sport is at its highest. The fact that Asia is rapidly catching up to this dangerous trend is an indication that FIFA has a long road ahead when it comes to tackling football violence."

FIFA's choice of Colombia as the host of the 2010 World Cup is controversial, given that the Colombian government is mired in an ongoing insurgency encouraged by Venezuela's left-wing junta, led by Ramon Rodriguez Chacin, and the notoriety of the Colombian drug cartels in their involvement in some of the worst drug wars in its history. Moreover, the selection of Kazakhstan as the 2014 World Cup host might have been seen by progressives as a move that will win the goodwill of the Islamic community, but its refusal to host the Russian national men's football team might have been huge PR disaster, if it wasn't for Russia's failure to qualify for the 2014 World Cup, thanks to its play off implosion at the hands of Bulgaria.

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VOSTOK 2016 EXERCISE COMPLETE AS RUSSIA, CHINA, DISCUSS POSSIBLE HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION IN EVENT OF GROWING INSTABILITY IN PHILIPPINES
South China Morning Post

May 4, 2016


Pyongyang, KOREA – The foreign ministers of both Russia and China met at a summit today in Pyongyang as the elections in the Philippines is coming closer, to discuss options in the event of another failed attempt at a smooth transition of power from the military junta to a civilian-led government. Russian Foreign Minister Mikhail Khvostov also proposes a joint intervention in coordination with the United States, Japan and Australia in the event of such failure happening, while Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi raises concern of America’s motives in its planned intervention should Lavrov’s proposal come through.

“We are deeply concerned about various reports of potential voter fraud, as well as planned assassinations of rival candidates occurring. At the same time, we are also advising our citizens who are in the Philippines to leave the country before and during the election, as to avoid chaos and needless incidents,” comments Wang Yi in front of reporters after being asked about the election. “For decades, the junta in the Philippines has grown more isolationist as even the United States has started to distance itself from its former colony as a response to the events of 1986.”

The comments made by China’s Foreign Minister comes at a time when the Vostok 2016 military exercise conducted by the militaries of Russia, China, Mongolia and Korea have been completed. Yet with a reunited Korea’s foreign policy being that of complete neutrality, it is difficult to assume that Korea may abandon that policy in response to Japan’s growing calls to abolish Article 9 of its constitution that forbids it from having a formal military and sending its soldiers off to war. The exercise also comes at a time when the United States, Japan and Taiwan conducted its naval exercise, codenamed Burning Flower, just outside the Ryukyu Island chain.

“Although we are relieved that Korea chose not to align itself with China and Russia, they are still mad at us for wanting to have what they have: a military that we can claim as our own,” an unnamed Japanese soldier said on condition of anonymity. “Our government has also invested more in our own military as a response to China’s growing adventurism in East Asia, and we cannot rely on the Americans any longer.”

Even within Japan, people are divided over the status of the Self-Defense Forces and Article 9 of the 1947 Japanese constitution. For some radicals within the Japanese nationalist movement, Article 9 garners a lot of resentment from the hardcore radicals who seek to have Japan re-assert itself once more in the international stage.

“Under the Americans, we have fallen so low as to be reduced to servants and underlings within our homeland!” shouts ultranationalist politician Makoto Sakurai in front of his supporters at a rally hosted by the newly formed United Japan Party, a political party that merged from Sakurai’s own short-lived Japan First Party, the National Rebirth Party led by former Japan Air Self-Defense Force General Toshio Tamogami and the Japan Innovation Party. Photos of infamous writer and would-be coup leader Yukio Mishima were often seen in Sakurai’s own rallies as well. “No more groveling before the foreign barbarians for us! It is time we retake our country back from the weaklings and the traitors who sold us out!”

Though Sakurai has not formulated an official policy yet, he has expressed admiration for the current military junta that rules the Philippines, but so far, he has not made any comments on the upcoming election there. It is not a secret that Sakurai wanted a more assertive Japanese military and the restoration of the Emperor’s divine status, but also hopes that under his future administration, should he be voted into power, that Japan would also be allowed to sell its weapons and equipment to various future clients. Currently, the Philippines has surplus American weaponry from the Cold War era and Sakurai is positioning Japan to become the first non-American nation to sell its weapons to the Philippines. Ironically, Korea’s government is also hoping to sell its weapons to its future clients as well, with the Philippines being its main target.
 
TRS

I won't bother replying here as sticking to it on the other site but good to see it coming out here as well.

Steve
 
Well, I may get work on the larger edits in this version though. Most important thing though, would be to decide whether or not to keep TTL's post-Soviet Russia a friendly neutral to the West, or have a soft anti-Western stance that doesn't evolve beyond what we are seeing OTL.
 
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Well, I may get work on the larger edits in this version though. Most important thing though, would be to decide whether or not to keep TTL's post-Soviet Russia a friendly neutral to the West, or have a soft anti-Western stance that doesn't evolve beyond what we are seeing OTL.
I'll be working on my Aquino's TL from Whatifs.freeforums.net (my personal forum).

On the December 9th Incident TL in Busan from Alternate Timelines, it'll be posted sometime over the weekend or after the 4th of July holiday break.
 
Chapter One: Out of Control/Napakatakot ang Situasyon Dito

Excerpts from “The Collapsing Light at the End of the Tunnel: The Brutal Post-Marcos Dictatorship”
By: Miriam Defensor Santiago
ANU Press, published 2001.


Chapter Three: A Glimmer of Hope

When we had the election in 1986, I thought that the Marcos dictatorship is on its last toes. The murder of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino in Manila back in 1983 was the point of no return. After Ninoy’s death, sporadic resistance to the Marcos dictatorship began, however it was rather small. The military was still in his pocket, and various exiled activists campaigned to bring down the dictatorship. Even the President of the United States, Ronald Reagan, was starting to distance himself from President Marcos. Although it was just February of 1986, little did I know that this was just the start of our nation’s long march to its worst nightmare.


At that time, I worked as a Regional Trial Court judge at Metro Manila where I oversaw cases that involved the military and police arresting students for their activism. At the same time, I also gave lectures on various topics within my expertise, which was of course, the law. I went back and forth between my job as a judge in the RTC and as a lecturer at the state university. One of the people that saw and listened to the lectures I gave out was the man who eventually started the whole nightmare in the first place.


“I liked your lectures, Madam Santiago,” Artemio Tadiar told me after I finished the lecture that one morning on February 14. “It’s a pity that you had to be the nanay for those fools who broke the law in the first place.”


I snorted in derision. “The law that our gracious President had passed down that is normally considered unconstitutional in any normal country, is it? Wala na ang Batas Militar, Heneral.” (1)


Ang situasyon dito ay napaka delikado ngayon. Hindi tapos ang ating guerra sa mga komunista na sa bundok, at sa mga Muslim na sa Mindanao,” (2) Tadiar spoke back bitterly. “I don’t wish to tell you how to do your job properly, but you are on thin ice right now. The president can easily strip you of your job unless you stop coddling the morons who are causing trouble in the first place.”


“General Tadiar,” I replied tersely while leading him out of the auditorium within the University of Santo Tomas. “The president doesn’t have any time left. There is another election coming, and I can assure you. It is going to be completely different.”


“How? What challenge can that widowed housewife can provide to him?” Tadiar scoffed while approaching the university entrance. “As far as I know, she didn’t even run for any political office in the first place. Moreover, the Aquinos spent their exile in America during the Martial Law years.”


“The fact that Ninoy was murdered on orders of the President should warn us all of what his death can mean for the entire country.” I simply showed the General the exit and returned inside once Tadiar was out of university property.

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Portions from the Interview with Guillermo Sandoval, former Marine Corps Officer who witnessed the 1986 EDSA Revolution
GMA 7 Interview, March 24, 1990



Interviewer: So, tell me about your role in the EDSA Revolution when you served under Colonel Tadiar, Lieutenant Sandoval. What was it like when most of EDSA was covered with the protesters marching against the Marcos dictatorship?

Sandoval: At that time, my men were not yet deployed into the streets. However, segments of the regular Philippine Army had already been out on the streets and there was even a report of the soldiers going over to the opposition.

Interviewer: Reports from foreign press tell us that there were vote rigging on both sides. Can you verify if that was true?

Sandoval: While I have not seen the vote rigging in person, it would not surprise me at the very least. There are some diehards who profited from the corruption over the decades since Marcos was president.

Interviewer: All right. So, what happened on the streets on that fateful day?

Sandoval: (pauses) I still could not talk about it, even years after it happened. I am not sure how to describe it in my own words.

Interviewer: OK, we will leave it at that. What did you think of the chances that Cory Aquino had with the election?

Sandoval: At this point, many people are fed up with President Marcos and wanted change. Cory Aquino had the courage and the integrity to run for political office on the premise that she wanted to avenge her husband’s death. Had she been allowed to become president, and had Colonel Tadiar controlled himself, we would not have the catastrophe that we are experiencing today.

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ARMY DEPLOYED TO STREETS AS PROTESTERS CONTINUE TO GATHER
The Vancouver Sun
February 22, 1986

Manila, PHILIPPINES – Protesters gathered at a popular street in Manila to demonstrate against the election results of President Marcos, as well as the dictatorship he rules over. Election results have been disputed, with voter fraud being reported almost constantly. Meanwhile, thousands of pro-Marcos supporters celebrated outside the streets of Manila in what they believe to be a legitimate election. The comparison between the paltry support for the embattled President and the emboldened opposition is clear, but tensions are in the air over the President’s decision to bring in the military to quell the uprising.


“We have waited for years now to get rid of the dictator, and he has shown time and time again that he will not give up his hold on power,” one protester shouted in front of supporters for the unheard challenger to President Marcos at this year’s election. “If he will not step down, we will personally eject him from Malacanang Palace!”


Emboldened by the weakening of President Marcos’s hold on his power, the opposition was also joined by left wing groups operating in the country. Current chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose Maria Sison, applauded the protesters’ move to demonstrate in front of EDSA, even as his guerrillas increased their raids on Philippine Army outposts throughout the country, while Muslim secessionists in the south have also increased their raids as well.


“The time for the fascist dictator has passed. It is now the time for the people to take back their country from the puppet of the Americans and to control its destiny,” Sison says on a televised broadcast made in a remote Visayan jungle. “The People’s Revolution continues as our protracted war will strike a blow against the fascists in power.”


However, a segment of the Philippine Marines remained loyal to the president and continues to take orders from him. Just a few hours ago, a detachment of the Philippine Marines under Colonel Artemio Tadiar was sent to pacify the streets of Manila.

---

Excerpts from “A Nation in Mourning”
By: Arturo Tolentino
Atlas Publishing, published 2002

Chapter Seven: Out of Control



When I heard from President Marcos that a battalion of Marines had been deployed into EDSA, I was relieved that they were going to be able to keep the protesters from going out of control. Although I did not know who was leading the Marines at that time, I was somewhat glad that we were going to get through this crisis with our administration intact. I approached Macoy while he was giving out instructions to the rest of the military while several bodyguards stood aside.


“Mr. President, how goes the pacification?” I asked after Macoy hung up on the phone.


“It will go well, as long as my soldiers obey my command to not fire on the protesters,” Macoy replied confidently. While I agreed with his statement, there are some hotheads or fresh recruits who completed their basic training not a while ago who might panic at the sight of the civilians. “They will understand that I’m being merciful towards them.”


“And what will happen if they don’t disperse? This is even bigger than the Plaza Miranda bombing that the communists are responsible for,” I spoke frightfully.


Macoy scoffed. “Natakot ka? Kung walang problema na sa EDSA, walang problema sa itong eleksyon. (3) How will that shriveled up housewife defeat me?”


Suddenly, the phone rang again. Macoy grabbed it as soon as he can. I stayed behind to see and hear if the protesters had dispersed. What I saw next will haunt me, for Macoy’s facial expression rapidly turned dark.


Ano ang sinabi ko kanina? Huwag kayong lahat magpaputok sa mga magpoprotesta! Sino nagbigay ng umorder na magpaputok?” (4) Macoy shouted.


One of the officers replied frightfully. “I don’t know. One of our soldiers panicked when the protesters approached us. He thought they were going to take his gun away, and he fired by accident.”


“Tell me who that moron is, and I’ll make sure he gets court martialed-“ I froze as I can faintly hear more gunfire in the background. It was because of one frightened soldier that our situation has worsened. God can only help us now if the fallout increases.
---

Excerpts from Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation Coverage of the EDSA Revolution

February 22, 1986


(We see TV reporter Vilma Pascual on the ground, and Oliver Kidlat)


Pascual: We see the protesters just simply standing there on the streets of EDSA and Ortigas Avenue while the nuns there are leading the prayer. Just across from where the protesters are standing are the soldiers of the Philippine Marines, who are simply standing there and keeping the peace to make sure that things do not go out of control. Oliver, what is the situation back in the Palace?


Oliver Kidlat: (from Malacanang) President Marcos is still waiting for the election results that is still contested, and multiple reports of voter fraud have been confirmed. I can also see the officers and the remaining soldiers from both the Army and Marines guarding the Palace. It is on a de facto lockdown down there. Any changes down there?


Pascual: (pauses) No changes so far…… (sees protesters walking with nuns giving out rosaries to the soldiers) Hold on, we are seeing the nuns trying to calm the soldiers down and I see one of the nuns trying to talk to- (gunfire erupts) Ay nako! (5) What we just saw now is that a nun was shot in the chest. The soldier who fired his rifle was clearly shaking, and the protesters are now converging upon the outnumbered marines and- (more gunfire) Dios ko! (6) What we are now seeing is a panic leading to a massacre! The nuns who tried to pacify the soldiers are down on the ground. They are clearly dead, as we can see by the bullet holes in their chest and in their head. (Pauses) Hold on, we are getting another response.


(Scene turns to a reporter from GMA as he tries to flee from the carnage caused by another section of the Marines)


GMA Reporter: To my colleague at Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation, please save this footage! The Marines have gone out of control! They are getting agitated by more of the protesters and are starting to fire back!


Pascual: (makes the sign of the cross) God help us. God help the Philippines, for this will not end well.
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TRIAL OF FORMER MAJOR GENERAL TADIAR CONTINUES AT THE HAGUE ON CHARGES RELATED TO EDSA MASSACRE
Sydney Herald
July 14, 2019



The Hague, NETHERLANDS – For the seventh week this year, the trial of former junta chief of the Council for National Sovereignty, Major General Artemio Tadiar, continues as new evidence are being presented in front of judges at the Hague. Artemio Tadiar is most notorious for his role in the so-called accidental shooting of the protesters during the 1986 EDSA Revolution that saw the fall of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and the short-lived Presidency of Corazon Aquino before Tadiar, with the support of disgruntled military officers disillusioned with the late dictator who later joined Tadiar, decided to nullify the results of the election and clamped down on the opposition in such a manner that not even Marcos himself would approve.


Charged under Crimes against Humanity and other various human rights violations, and various war crimes committed during the participation of Philippine troops in the Mexican Civil War and the Second Korean War (also known as the Continuation War in the Korean Federal Republic), Tadiar is defiant and confident at the same time, thinking that those charges will be thrown out. Still, many witnesses who were present during the revolution gave out their testimonies that proved beyond reasonable doubt that the former coup leader was guilty. However, some testimonies had to be thrown out when it was revealed that elements of the former CNS had hired assassins to kill the witnesses to ensure that Tadiar does not receive any heavy punishments for his crimes, stemming from the 1986 Revolution to the junta. In addition to charges relating to his actions during the 1986 EDSA Revolution, Tadiar is also charged with various human rights violations during the government’s war against communist rebels and Muslim secessionists, with claims of torture, mass murder and rape of female combatants by the Philippine military. In 2017, a farmer had discovered by accident, a mass grave containing 172 bodies of left-wing activists who were reported as missing to the authorities.


“The communists are lying to make themselves feel good and for the international community to have pity on them when in fact they are committing more atrocities against us!” Tadiar shouted in front of judges, even when a star witness who cannot be identified for confidential reasons, heckled at him and shouted back. “Did you say that you found the mass graves!? That's nothing more than another communist lie!”


The period of the Council for National Sovereignty from February of 1987 to July of 2016, was the dark chapter in Philippine history when oppression was increased to levels even bigger than the Marcos era, as opposition activists were either driven into exile or killed. Yet even exiled activists were not safe from the assassins employed by the CNS, as evident by the murder of exiled social democratic activist Bong Go at his home in San Francisco, California in July of 1993. Within that time period, the CNS had also cracked down on black market activities by attempting to implement economic reforms, only for the UN to implement economic sanctions on the Philippines from 1989 onwards after jailing both Jesse and Leni Robredo on charges of subversion before their exile to Australia in 1993 upon reaching an agreement with Australian authorities in exchange for closer cooperation in law enforcement. Since then, most countries had severed diplomatic ties with the Philippines, except for Chile, Japan, Colombia and most controversially, Australia, as the Australians were the only link between the Philippines and the world during the junta.


The CNS period also suffered a diplomatic humiliation when China had taken advantage of its weakened state to occupy the entirety of the disputed Spratly Islands chain, with a Chinese military base being built within 200 kilometers of the Philippine coast, a source of tension between China and the Philippines. Though war between the two countries had erupted, alongside an increase in its military confrontation with Vietnam, it was only thanks to Germany's diplomatic intervention after Chinese air force bombers had flattened the Philippines that the warring parties were brought to the negotiating table, though it did not stop the two nations from having hostile diplomatic stances towards each other. At the same time, the economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation imposed on the Philippines also meant that Filipinos who wanted to leave the country had to go to the Australian Embassy to file political asylum before arriving at the country until 2001 when Mexico and Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the Philippines and gradually replaced Australia as the destination for Filipino political exiles. Moreover, the growth of Filipinos seeking political asylum has resulted in backlash from Australian far-right activists who still clung on the long abandoned White Australia policy.


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Excerpts from “Cue for Conspiracy: The Rise and Fall of Senator Alex Jones”
By: Issac Feldman
University of California Berkley Publishing Press

Chapter Two: A Genuine Paranoiac or a Deceptive Politician in the Making?



Though I have not heard much about Alex Jones’s life when he was a teenager, he mostly kept to himself throughout high school, but he did play varsity football at Anderson High School until 1993 when he graduated and went into Austin Community College. I was one of his classmates at college since we both took two history courses together, as well as one course on English literature. Most of the people at Austin Community College did not really interact with Jones that much, although he did contemplate on dropping out at one point after having failed another English exam, but I convinced him not to drop out. I even helped him study throughout his college years, which he greatly appreciated. In return, he would often invite me to play some football with him on the field. However, the one thing that kept our friendship on a knife’s edge was the book he would obsess over, which was called ‘None Dared Called It Conspiracy’. I was nervous after reading its contents, mainly because of some hidden anti-Semitic undertones here. However, Alex did not really display any kind of racial hatred towards non-whites, as evident by his willingness to talk to a few African American students who studied at our college.


Eventually he became more interested in politics as our college years progressed, and he even joined the local chapter of ‘The American Cause’ hosted by the notorious paleoconservative Patrick Buchanan, rising to become one of the activists at some point. I was initially neutral in politics until a couple of left-wing students started causing trouble at the college campus. Having been raised as an Orthodox Jew, I was not really interested in the whole progressive garbage they were spewing, but Alex saw potential in me when I helped him write some speeches for the American Cause. By 1994, I also joined the American Cause as well. One of the things that helped us both propel into student politics and later, American politics was the situation in the Philippines. The junta, as Alex calls it, was the subject of his constant rants on the radio. Pat Buchanan himself was impressed by how Alex conducted himself with his talks on the radio that he even hired him as an unpaid intern with the American Cause, but Alex also insisted that Buchanan hire me as an unpaid intern as well. I was surprised because I was just getting into politics myself.


Alex’s speeches continued to improve throughout the rest of our college years, while I did give out some speeches myself on the side. The topics he would often talk about are the Filipino junta (which he claimed, was some sort of a deep state where the military controls everything in the shadows and a puppet leader would be its front man), the economy, banking system, and the government itself. He even envisioned himself as America’s savior, cleaning the government of so-called secret society infiltrators and collaborators. It was then that I began to slowly distance myself from him, but I was not jealous at Alex’s growing popularity with the rest of the college population. I was still his friend long after we both graduated, but by then I had an eye on becoming a corporate lawyer while Alex had his eye on becoming a politician. I told him that he was too young to become a politician and that he had to wait until he was 35 or older to officially run for political office. Thus, Alex would work for the American Cause throughout the rest of the 1990s until the 21st century when he officially joined the Libertarian Party and slowly worked his way up into the top ranks, not achieving anything until 2012 when he first campaigned for a seat as a candidate for the House of Representatives in his Austin electoral district.


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(1) “There is no more Martial Law.”


(2) “The situation is extremely dangerous. We are at war with the communists in the mountains and the Muslims (Moro secessionists) in the south.”


(3) “If there is no problem in EDSA, there is no problem in this election.”


(4) “What did I say? Do not shoot the protesters! Who gave the orders to fire at them?” (referencing Marcos’s orders to not open fire on the protesters IOTL as well as TTL)


(5) A popular exclamation used by Filipinos when they are surprised.


(6) “My God!” (see (5) above)
 

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