Alternate History Vivat Stilicho!

All The (Over-)King's Men

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
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Capital: The Alemanni have no fixed capital, as their kings often hail from different houses and thus have different ancestral seats in addition to maintaining an itinerant (that is, mobile and non-fixed) royal court. At present, the Adalrichings who hold their crown have their ancestral seat in a castle on the summit of Hohenstoufen[1], but Overking Adalric III aspires to build a second, even grander castle on the higher hill of Hohenrechberg next to it. Someday, his descendant will likely take this ambition to its logical conclusion and build a third castle on the highest of these three nearby mountains, the Stuifen.

Religion: Ionian Christianity.

Languages: Diutisk – 'Theudish', which is to say, what future generations will recognize as Old High German. Strictly speaking it is not a singular standard language, instead being comprised of a number of related vernacular dialects, doubtless based on the established territories of the Germanic confederal kingdom's constituent tribes and separated by the woodland & mountains of their homeland. In the case of the Alemanni, they naturally speak & write in the Alemannic dialect ('Alamannisk'); others counted as part of the High German (as opposed to Low German, or 'Thiudisk') are the neighboring Bavarian, Thuringian, Franconian (as spoken by more remote, non-Latinized Frankish populations) and Lombard dialects. Descendants of the Romanized Celto-Rhaetic indigenes living in the south of Alemannia speak Romansh[2], the increasingly strongly Germanic-influenced local Alpine descendant of Vulgar Latin.

The Teutons have come very far indeed from the days where they used to be considered a pestilential threat to Roman civilization, and few are better-positioned to demonstrate that (while noticeably still retaining their ancestral Germanic character rather than Romanizing entirely, as the Franks have) than the Alemanni. They first entered the pages of history in the early third century, and were dubbed the 'Alemanni' or 'all men' on account of being one of the largest confederations of Germanic peoples encountered by the Roman Empire. However, the Alemanni's constituent tribes were known to Rome well before that point: for example the Suebi were known to have warred with Julius Caesar himself under the direction of Ariovistus, and would go on to absorb other great and notable Germanic tribes such as the Semnones, Marcomanni & Quadi into their ranks. These Suebi have consistently been the biggest and most dominant tribe in their history, and it is for that reason that their name has practically become synonymous with the Alemanni as a whole by the ninth century – more and more, the Germanic people of southwestern Magna Germania are now simply collectively referred to as 'Swabians' on their account, including among the so-called Alemanni themselves. Lesser tribes subordinate to and being absorbed by the Suebi (if they haven't faded away altogether already) include the Brisgavi of the great Black Forest[3] (OHG.: 'Swarzwald') and the Juthungi who once served Attila.

When they first encountered the Romans, the Alemanni were a persistently hostile and destructive force, piling on to the misery of the Crisis of the Third Century and routinely devastating Roman territories in Gaul & Italy until the descendants of Arbogast finally subjugated them in Rome's name in the sixth century. Since then however, like many other upstart barbarians the Alemanni have taken to Roman culture and religion quite readily, no doubt spurred on by the heavy presence of Christian monasteries in the remote Alpine territories occupied by this confederation and which held out through the days when they were still pagans. So familiar are they now to the neighboring Franks that in Francesc, their very name and that of their country – Alemand and Alemaigne, respectively – has become synonymous with the German people and Germany as a whole. That said, their comparatively remote location – separated from the Roman heartlands by said Alps and the great forests of their own homeland – and the pride they have in their history of constant battle with the Romans, always managing to bounce back after multiple severe thrashings at the hands of Emperors starting with Gallienus and even the departure of a third of the Suebic people on an ill-fated invasion of Rome which resulted in their subjugation by Stilicho & eventual disappearance in Africa, have also prevented them from dissociating from their Teutonic roots in the way that the neighboring Franks and Burgundians have.

As of 850 AD, the Alemanni still stand as the premier example of a Germanic federate kingdom beneath the aegis of the Holy Roman Empire: a nation of fearless and hardy warriors, faithful Christians, and led by a king who the Emperor can be reasonably certain (in this case, on account of not only their close personal friendship but also ties of kinship) wouldn't even think of heading down the same road as the despised Arminius. The Arbogastings who subdued them and other Teutonic kingdoms in past centuries had never made a secret of their conviction that Teutonic strength and valor, once tempered by Roman discipline & industriousness and further instilled with a Christian righteousness, would surely produce the greatest fighters in the world; and while they were thinking of their fellow Franks when they made such boasts, their southern Swabian neighbors have since made a mighty attempt at realizing that theory themselves. Alemanni knights and warriors have reliably fought beneath the chi-rho on battlefields from Denmark to Constantinople & beyond as both their own federate contingent and auxiliaries in direct Roman employ, and under the leadership of men such as the Adalrichinger dynasty which presently rules them, they are likely to continue on this path and attain further glories in doing so – the Aloysians are less worried about these faithful federates suddenly and arbitrarily turning coat, and more worried instead about whether their demands for such leal service might escalate.

Alemannia is considered one of the great 'stem kingdoms' – that is, a kingdom of and for one of the great Germanic tribes (OHG.: stam), in their case, the eponymous Alemanni/Swabians. In that regard it represents a continuation of the old tribal identity of the Alemanni or Suebi people of southwestern Magna Germania, the Agri Decumates and Rhaetia, now subordinated to the greater framework of the Holy Roman Empire and baptised into its Christian Church. That in turn means that the native, pre-Roman aristocracy have not merely survived but are thriving: the same great clans still rule more or less the same lands and remain at the head of the same kinship networks as before the Arbogastings laid the Alemanni low, rather than being replaced by a new Italo- or Franco-Roman elite, but now they have also cultivated a partnership with the Roman civil and ecclesiastical authorities and have access to Roman trade & technological marvels with which to improve their lives and those of their subjects[4].

The kings of the Alemanni exemplify the survival and retention of the old Teutonic elite into the new Roman-led order. In keeping with their old customs, this Teutonic confederacy is subdivided into twenty cantons (OHG: gowe, Lat.: pagi) based on the ancestral territories of its constituent tribes, led by an assortment of hereditary potentates described by the Romans as 'petty kings' (reguli) and 'princes' (regales et principes) depending on their strength but described by the Alemanni themselves as being of a kingly or at least princely rank (OHG: kuning and furisto, respectively). Each clan of petty Swabian royalty claims descent from a Germanic god or hero in the distant mythical past, as is common even for Christianized Teutons, and gather to elect a paramount king of all the Alemanni – the Ubari-Kuning or 'Overking', in Latin rex excelsior, which in time will evolve into überkünic and finally überkönig – for life at a diet (successor of the ancient Germanic thing or popular assembly) to replace the previous one on the latter's death. In pre-Roman times they could even elect two such paramount rulers, like the very Chnodomar and Westralp who were vanquished by Julian the Apostate in the Battle of Argentoratum, but in Holy Roman times it has become customary for the Alemanni to select only one such man.

As of 850 the Ubari-Kuning is Adalric (OHG: 'Adalrich') III, son of Adalric II and nephew of the Holy Roman Emperor Aloysius III, newly lawfully elected by the kings & princes of the various gowes and duly anointed & crowned by the Bishop of Churraetia[5]. He is distinguished from his father and grandfather of the same name with the moniker 'the Younger', or by his birthplace ('Adalrich von/of Ulm', as opposed to his predecessor being 'Adalrich von Tunesdorf[6]'). His clan, the Adalrichings (OHG: 'Adalrichinger'), were formerly known as the Gepponids after their ancestor Geppo, an Alemannic warlord who lived in the fourth century and was the founder & namesake of the town of Geppenge[7] in addition to the nearby fortress which has since served as their seat; but they have since renamed themselves after his father in honor of the latter's glorious martyrdom in battle against the heathen Danes. In this time the Germans still use patronyms when naming a distinct clan rather than a toponym (place-name), so it would not yet be accurate to refer to the Adalrichings of the ninth century as the 'House of Filiwigowe[8]' (after their home canton) or the 'House of Hohenstoufen' (after their seat).

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The kings & princes of the Alemanni gathering to elect Adalric III as the next Ubari-Kuning or Overking of their people. The former proudly wear crowns as befitting men descended from the kings of the ancient Marcomanni, Juthungi, Quadi, etc.

Through Geppo the Adalrichings further claim descent from the princes of the Semnones, including the famous Ariovistus who managed to survive being crushed by Julius Caesar at the Vosges, and by extension the mysterious god of that Suebic tribe, known only as regnator omnium deus ('God, Ruler of All'). This Ruler-of-All was probably an early take on Odin, and while the current-day Adalrichings would love to proclaim that he was actually the Christian God under a guise suited to their sensibilities (which would have made their Semnone ancestors the first Christian nation ever, predating even the Armenians), they cannot square such a claim with Tacitus' well-recorded observation of bloody human sacrifices being made in his honor. Other princely houses among the Alemanni boast of descent from the former rulers of the tribes which have since been absorbed into its ranks, almost all of whom also feature in the pages of Roman history as past antagonists to the Empire, such as the Marcomanni and Quadi.

Among the Teutonic peoples, their king has always served three main functions: to judge disputes between his people fairly, to direct them in honoring the gods properly at the sacrifices, and to lead them to victory in wartime. These responsibilities have changed little with the times, even though the Alemanni have exchanged their ancient gods for the singular Most High God of Christianity. Much like his ancestors the young Adalric is not, nor can he realistically expect to become, an absolute monarch: he remains constrained by the consensus of his vassals & must take their will into account when making decisions both in court and even on the battlefield (for example, when deciding who should hold the place of honor at the forefront of his ranks), and in religious matters, rather than carving up prisoners in a sacred grove to appease the Ruler-of-All he takes a leading role in Christian holiday processions; donates to the Church's charitable works and sponsors new parish churches & monasteries; regularly consults with the clerical authorities of his domain; and aspires to conduct a proper pilgrimage to Rome someday soon. As far as his ambitions go, the best he can hope for is to monopolize the Alemannic crown within his dynasty and so turn it from an elective office into a hereditary one, either outright or in all but name. That is likely to be a difficult and lifelong endeavor, being that he is the third of his dynasty to hold said throne in a row and the other great Swabian houses will want their own turn wearing the crown of the Overking.

In a process similar to those of the vast majority of the other federate kingdoms, the ancient laws of the Alemanni also survived past their barbaric days, synthesizing with Roman law into a new code intended to serve both the Swabians themselves and Roman citizens living on their territory equally well (in their case, they call their new legal code the Pactus Alamannorum) rather than being replaced altogether from the top down. Traces of Germanic influence can be most prominently seen in the Pactus' provisions for weregild payments and judicial dueling, while the Christian and Roman ones can be observed in the provisions made for seeking asylum in a church and in the doubling of fines for committing offenses against women if the woman happens to also be lawfully married. In the Roman vein, the Pactus is also explicitly proclaimed to be the law of the land in its own right and even the Ubari-Kuning is not exempt from its rules: in the Alemannic view, the king/emperor is not synonymous with the law and the latter is an independent binding force rather than a mere expression of his will, an advanced concept absent from the more backward federate kingdoms located further away from Rome's civilizing influence.

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The first pages of the Pactus Alemanni, the Swabians' equivalent to other Romano-Germanic legal codes such as the Codex Visigothorum

'Those who fight, those who pray, and those who work' – as a general rule, this is the tripartite division of labor under feudalism and Alemannia is no exception, for in their lands that system organically emerged out of the merger of the withered remnants of the Roman system of clientage in Germanic-occupied Rhaetia and the sippe or kinship system of said Teutons. Broadly speaking, Swabian society is based on these three classes: respectively they are the landed nobility, further stratified into multiple tiers bound to one another by ties of vassalage; the clergy, who have Germanized only rather slowly and who in the ninth century still mostly hail from the ranks of the Romance-speaking populations of the south of the realm; and the peasantry, who (as always) comprise the vast majority of their population.

The Swabian nobility (OHG.: adalfrī, 'free nobles') proudly carry the warrior-elite traditions of their forefathers into this current age, with boys training from a young age to fight and ride: the Overking Adalric himself is a testament to their martial qualities, having ably squired under Emperor Aloysius for much of his life up to this point. While Roman chroniclers recognized only two divisions in their ranks, the optimates (high nobility) and armati (knights and lesser nobility), in truth the social hierarchy within their ranks is a good deal more complicated than said Romans give them credit for. The Alemannic Ubari-Kuning is legally acknowledged as the owner of all Alemannia, whether it be soil which was never taken by the Romans in the first place or formally ceded to them through the terms of a foedus from centuries ago, and has since dispersed much of this territory to his vassals in the form of fiefs (OHG: lēhan). The land is delivered from the Overking to his vassal through a mutual exchange of oaths of fealty called the lēhanseit, by which both parties clasp their hands and solemnly swear to uphold certain outlined responsibilities to one another: at its most basic, the liege swears to respect the rights & property of his newly-sworn vassal, to protect him from injustice & his enemies, and to never intrude on either without valid reason (such as betrayal), while the newly enfeoffed liegeman swears to loyally serve his overlord both on & off the battlefield and to not break faith with him.

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The widowed Roman princess and former Alemannic queen Viviana, Aloysius III's sister, passes her scepter on to her daughter-in-law and the new queen Gerberga von Cannstadt, Adalric III's wife and a descendant of fourth-century Quadi royalty

However, in Alemannia and other Teutonic federate kingdoms, it is not uncommon – in fact it's even the norm – for the feudal lords to further divide their feudatories into smaller estates, with which he then enfeoffs his own vassals; who then enfeoff their own vassals, and so on, so forth. This has created a more sophisticated aristocratic pyramid and a more decentralized society than one can find in, for instance, Moorish Africa where every noble (regardless of his formal title) owes his land and allegiance solely to the Dominus Rex. An Alemannic adalhērir (literally 'noble elder' but roughly translating to 'baron', a title which will eventually evolve into freiherr – 'free gentleman/lord') owes his immediate allegiance not to the Ubari-Kuning, but to the grāfo (count, derived from Proto-Germanic garāfijō or 'commander' rather than the Latin comes) to whom he swore his fealty in exchange for his estates. Then that grāfo in turn owes his fealty firstly to whatever herizogo (duke – the title evolving out of the Proto-West Germanic term for war-chief, harjatogō or 'army leader', rather than the Latin dux) he got his land from and only secondly to the Ubari-Kuning, while in turn the adalhērir can at least theoretically count on the knights (OHG: rîtari) below him to have his back in any dispute with his overlords. There also exist a number of variations on titles which are theoretically equivalent to the basic ranks outlined above but often come with additional attached honors & responsibilities, such as the markgrāfo ('march-count' or Margrave) – a comital rank tasked with holding border counties against neighbors such as the Burgundians or Bavarians – further complicating this internal hierarchy.

In order to counter the power of the established magnates descended from the great Suebic and other tribal clans of yore, the Adalrichinger have sought to emulate their imperial overlords and expand a class of newer nobility sworn directly to themselves. As surely as the Romans recruit the ablest Teutons directly into their auxiliary cohorts and officer ranks rather than leave them be as members of an autonomous federate host, Adalrich III and his father have been slowly and methodically raising up men from the lower orders of Swabian society into newly-minted ranks such as burgmann (castellans, responsible for managing strategically-situated royal castles) and rîtariburtic ('free knights' sworn directly to the Ubari-Kuning). More generally this class of 'new men' are called the ministeriales (OHG: dionstmannen, 'serving men') since they were often assigned special administrative responsibilities, such as the stewardship of royal finances or castles (ex. As with the burgmann above), in spite of their oft-lowly birth compared to the true adalfrī. They held fewer rights compared to the adalfrī, and their fiefs were normally not legally permitted to pass on to their descendants (instead reverting to the Ubari-Kuning upon their death), but they were still ranked nobles and could very well accumulate wealth based off of their fief to independently acquire freeholds which would then actually be heritable within their family.

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A burgmann, or royal castellan, and the castle he's been assigned with stewarding. In the ninth century Swabian engineering had yet to catch up with that of the Romans, and so their fortresses may not seem as majestic as those built by their overlords, but they do the job well enough – especially in the rough terrain which these folk call home

'Those who pray' consist of the Ionian Christian clergy of the Alemannic lands. While the Christianization of the Alemanni has inevitably also led to the growth in number of Germanic priests to tend to the spiritual needs of the German people, by and large this rank (especially the uppermost echelons of the Ionian Church structure) remains the last preserve of the Romanized Celtic & Rhaetic population native to those parts of the former Roman province of Rhaetia and Germania Superior. Marginal holdouts can be found in communities as far north as Baden[9], which in Latin is still called Aurelia Aquensis, but the vast majority of these people now live in the southern reaches of Alemannia (as well as neighboring Bavaria and Burgundy), in the protective remoteness of the Alps and around the lakes at their feet in towns which the Teutons call the 'Bodensee'. These Rhaeto-Romans (Romansh: Rumàntschs, OHG: Raētoromanen) have tried to keep the urban mode of living and advanced Roman industry alive to the best of their ability in towns such as Konstanz (the former Constantia) and Bregenz (formerly Brigantia), and consequently are reportedly more urbane & literate than their German neighbors and overlords. And while the highest-ranking clerical authorities are expected to at least understand the German language in addition to Latin itself, if only to ensure they can't be cheated by the Swabians, among themselves these people still communicate in a Romance language – 'Romansh', which evolved from the dialect of Vulgar Latin spoken in the high mountains and valleys they call home.

That greater rate of literacy and connection to Rome serves the Rhaeto-Romans well in their own elite's near-monopolization of clerical offices in Swabia, as they comprise the majority of the Alemannic populace capable of actually reading from the Bible and the works of the Church Fathers. It is through the Church that these Rhaeto-Romans still exercise any modicum of power at all, as it is customary for the worldly nobility to donate estates to them and for the bishops to then return that land (in a certain manner) to the Teutons – highborn and common alike – in the form of benefices, off which the bishops still collected rent in addition to securing military protection against bandits and raiders from their new tenant. Normally Ionian benefices are held only for life and revert to the Church upon the tenant's death, akin to ministerial estates, but even peasants would be allowed to pass their benefice on to their children if they could afford to pay an inheritance fee to the Church. Of course, more German nobility & royalty would like to get their kin appointed as clerics of note with a caretaker role over the wealth of the Church in the Alps, including the reigning Adalrichinger: there can be little doubt that this will be a point of tension between the Teutonic and Rhaeto-Roman populations in the future, and in that case the latter had best hope their considerable soft power can win them the day without a literal fight, as the much more martially inclined Germans will almost certainly prevail if the situation escalates to violence.

By far the mightiest and most influential of the Rhaeto-Romans is the Prince-Bishop of Churraetia, or simply 'Chur' to the Germans, who as the nominal praeses (governor) of Rhaetia Prima is one of the very few bishops with temporal power over a territory larger than his episcopal seat in existence outside of Dacia. His equivalent in Bavaria is the Prince-Archbishop of Augsburg, formerly Augusta Vindelicorum, by tradition the nominal praeses of the also-defunct province of Rhaetia Secunda. In practice, of course, it is rare for this Prince-Bishop to actually organize and lead an army into battle to defend his flock, as the Dacian bishops must against various steppe invaders and their Slavic neighbors from time to time: in addition to ensuring the smooth governance of Churraetia and its attached lands, mostly they just serve as the chief administrators & judges of the Alemannic kings and the highest representative of the Rhaeto-Roman populace at the Swabian court, and also have the privilege of crowning the next Ubari-Kuning. Aside from the Prince-Bishopric, monasteries and convents also tend to accumulate great and inalienable estates, from which they run businesses and charitable activities to the benefit of the rural commons such as breweries, apiaries (for honey & beeswax) and almshouses.

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A peaceful hilltop monastery of the Rhaeto-Romans not far from Churraetia, still possessing the low wall once built to keep the neighboring Alemanni out back when they were the furthest thing imaginable from the friendly Christians of today

'Those who work' refers to the commons, and while it is normally taken to mean just the peasantry, in practice this social class also covers the small but growing ranks of the burghers. In the former case, as is the case in the rest of Europe and much of the Old World, Alemannia is of course a primarily agrarian society and thus the vast majority of Swabians must till the land in order to avoid starvation. As of the mid-ninth century, serfdom has yet to fully set in across these lands: there are more unfree peasants whose home & farmland is rented from a noble lord than there are free ones who own the property they live on, but the numerical balance is not yet totally overwhelming in the former's favor. There are in fact more serfs in the south of Alemannia, where the institution of serfdom has evolved out of the Roman coloni and latifundiae, than there are in the Germanic north, though it would certainly be inaccurate and anachronistic to imagine that all lower-class Rhaeto-Romans are serfs while their Swabian counterparts are all free. While slavery still exists north of the Alps, it is comparatively rare to find slaves in Alemannia as opposed to, say, Italy or Africa.

With Alemannia being a federate kingdom subject to the Holy Roman Empire, even the lowest serfs can enjoy a higher standard of living than they probably would otherwise. Obviously, being distinct from slaves even if they are technically unfree laborers, they still had guaranteed rights – to their own property (just not the actual land they're living on), to their crops outside of the amount they owed to their lord, and to their own life, which the lord could not deprive them of for no reason. Furthermore, Roman infrastructural projects (roads, dams, land clearances, etc.) and the dissemination of technological know-how has brought in advancements like the water-powered turbine mill and the heavy plough, both of which have made agriculture across not just the Alemannic lands but all of Roman-controlled or influenced Northern Europe vastly more productive, as well as other industries (for example, water-driven sawmills have proven a boon to the lumber industry).

As for the merchants & artisans, Alemannia's control over the northern Alpine passes has provided it with quite a bit of potential as a commercial hub, one that enterprising businessmen and the lords in charge of said passes are eager to take advantage of. Trade flowing through the mountains and along the great Roman roads, old and new alike, has revitalized the ancient cities of the Rhaeto-Romans once thought lost to the tide of barbarism and fostered the growth of new towns where before only forests and scattered villages stood, such as Buchau and Ulm. Riverine trade down the Danube to the east and the Rhine to the north has also proven both profitable and conducive to the growth of settlements along their respective courses & tributaries. While (like the clergy) mercantile professions are presently dominated by the Rhaeto-Romans, on account of them having the benefit of still living in & controlling what remains of the great Roman cities of Rhaetia, their dominance in this area is not nearly as well-entrenched as that in the ecclesiastical field – enterprising Swabian merchants & craftsmen will probably overtake them in number soon, and then spread eastward to trade in everything from furs to wheat to salt to pottery in both other Germanic and Slavic kingdoms, often by the invitation of the local rulers.

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Swabian commoners traveling from the backwoods to the nearest town along a via terrena, or earthen road, built by Roman legions as they moved from Trévere to Italy. While not the Romans' finest work, the fact that this road exists at all is already an improvement for the rustic locals, connecting their home village to a market and thus making movement & commerce easier

As is the case with the fighting forces of the rest of Europe's early feudal realms, the armies of the Alemanni are centered on 'those who fight' – the nobility, which in their case are the adalfrī, they whose privileged position in society is justified by their martial prowess and obligation to defend their subjects from injustice & the depredations of their foes (hence why Christian records describe them not merely as domini, 'lords', but also defensores or protectors of those beneath their banner). The chivalry and nobility of the Swabians usually begin training for combat from around the age of six to eight, when they become attendants – a pagus ('servant') in the Latin of the Romans who first outlined & recorded this practice, or pageboy – to a senior knight, sometimes a relative and in other cases a family friend. They would clean & maintain their guardian's equipment in addition to learning the basics of combat, horse-riding, and rigorous physical exercises under his watch; engage in noble pursuits like hunting & falconry for the first time; and spar with other pages using wooden weapons to hone their fighting ability. By their early teen years, the page would be expected to follow their master into combat, thereby becoming known as a scutarius ('shield-bearer') or 'squire'; and if he manages to survive around the age of 21 without showing cowardice or ineptitude, his master will then finally knight him.

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A slightly younger Adalric III as a squire to his uncle, Aloysius III

Since they form the professional warrior class of Alemannia, Swabian knights or rîtari and the lords of the various many ranks are required to maintain war-horses and a panoply of arms using the rents & taxes they collect from their subjects in order to properly execute their duties. In that regard, their equipment greatly resembles that of other Teutonic fighting men of their rank, such an array of gear having been universally adopted precisely because it just works: in the ninth century this would have been a padded arming jacket patterned after the Roman subarmalis, plus a mail byrnie and coif over it, and a nasal or flat-topped helmet (the natural evolution of the earlier Germanic spangenhelm, now being a one-piece rather than constructed of multiple iron plates fused together within a framework made of smaller metal strips) – a relatively simple but effective combination. Especially wealthy and prominent lords, as well as the Ubari-Kuning and his household, might try to copy the more glamorous armor of Roman generals & princes by gilding their mail and adding linen pteruges to further protect their waist, upper legs & shoulders.

As far as arms go, the Alemannic chivalry will start a battle wielding the lance from horseback as most knights do, but they are especially famed for their prowess with the sword, and for forging the finest swords in all Germania. They actually prefer to fight on foot, not merely due to the terrain of their homeland being generally unsuitable for mounted combat, but so that they can wield the keen longswords of their people with both hands for maximum effectiveness. Swabian knights have been recorded chopping foes in twain with their fearsome blades in battles from the Levant to the Danish border[10], and have earned some notoriety for being unusually reckless and eager to come to grips with the foe even among the soldiery of the Teutonic federates: it would seem to Roman eyes that the fiery and free spirit of the Suebi has not become as tame as that of, say, the Franks or Burgundians.

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Alemannic knights or rîtari with their Overking. They may have adopted the lance and stirrup to become heavy cavalrymen under Roman influence, but first & foremost these men are renowned throughout Christian Europe for their skill with the sword

As justly and fiercely proud of their warlike heritage as they may be, of course, the knights of Alemannia cannot often win battles alone – least of all because the Pactus Alemanni binds them to serve their Overking without complaint or expectation of further pay for only 40 days, putting pressure on him (or his own Roman overlord, if he finds a need to call the Alemannic foederati to arms) to conclude his campaign in a hurry or else not fight at all until he has enough money to pay his great warriors for more than those 40 days. In terms of more reliable soldiers, the Ubari-Kuning can count on his own household knights and ministeriales/dionstmannen, the former being furnished for war at his own expense and the latter being required to maintain arms, armor & a horse comparable to those of the adalfrī as part of their duties as nobles (unfree though they may be). While not as numerous as the unbound Alemannic nobility & royalty, at least Adalrich and his predecessors could expect these men to follow their orders and stick around for more than 40 days with greater reliability.

The Adalrichinger and other great Alemannic houses do not like to issue a general levy of their subjects, for not only do they know that they can get more done with a small but highly professional army, but they consider it improper for a mere peasant to take up arms (which he probably can't even wield effectively) when he would frankly do more good growing food for them to sustain themselves with. Thus rather than mobilize the peasantry (OHG: būro, Lat.: comprovinciales), who can at best be useful as laborers or a roving mob torching enemy farms but are otherwise useless in a fight, they would rather call upon the urban militias of the Rhaeto-Romans (Rsh.: guarda). Being a disciplined mix of armored spearmen and missile troops (including crossbowmen) maintained at their town's expense, these semi-professional soldiers are not so different from their urban Italian counterparts across the Alps save in being fewer in number, and those loaned to the Overking by their bishops & city councils provide the Alemannic army with an additional contingent of disciplined infantrymen. Alas, the idea of improving their fighting ability by lengthening their spears into pikes and adapting tactics involving such long polearms to the Alpine environment will not be conceived of for some centuries yet.

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A heavy spearman and archer of Churraetia's militia or 'guarda', who may lack the horses and lifetime combat training of the Swabian chivalry but are still equipped to a far superior standard than the average Swabian peasant can hope to afford

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[1] The mountain of Hohenstaufen, lowest of the Drei Kaiserberge ('Three Emperor-Mountains') of the Swabian Alps.

[2] A real language, one acknowledged as an official language in modern Switzerland and part of the Rhaeto-Romance family alongside Ladin and Friulian.

[3] Better known in modern German as the Schwarzwald.

[4] Historically, the native Alemannic aristocracy was massacred following a failed rebellion by Charles Martel's son and Pepin the Short's brother Carloman, Mayor of the Palace in Austrasia (East Francia), at the Blood Court of Canstatt in 746.

[5] Chur.

[6] Donzdorf.

[7] Göppingen.

[8] 'Filsgau' in modern German.

[9] Baden-Baden.

[10] Historically the Swabians had a reputation of being expert swordsmen, as evidenced by records of the Battle of Civitate where they fought to the death in defense of the Pope's cause and were indeed noted to have a preference for fighting on foot with their longswords against the mounted Normans.
 

ATP

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Capital: The Alemanni have no fixed capital, as their kings often hail from different houses and thus have different ancestral seats in addition to maintaining an itinerant (that is, mobile and non-fixed) royal court. At present, the Adalrichings who hold their crown have their ancestral seat in a castle on the summit of Hohenstoufen[1], but Overking Adalric III aspires to build a second, even grander castle on the higher hill of Hohenrechberg next to it. Someday, his descendant will likely take this ambition to its logical conclusion and build a third castle on the highest of these three nearby mountains, the Stuifen.

Religion: Ionian Christianity.

Languages: Diutisk – 'Theudish', which is to say, what future generations will recognize as Old High German. Strictly speaking it is not a singular standard language, instead being comprised of a number of related vernacular dialects, doubtless based on the established territories of the Germanic confederal kingdom's constituent tribes and separated by the woodland & mountains of their homeland. In the case of the Alemanni, they naturally speak & write in the Alemannic dialect ('Alamannisk'); others counted as part of the High German (as opposed to Low German, or 'Thiudisk') are the neighboring Bavarian, Thuringian, Franconian (as spoken by more remote, non-Latinized Frankish populations) and Lombard dialects. Descendants of the Romanized Celto-Rhaetic indigenes living in the south of Alemannia speak Romansh[2], the increasingly strongly Germanic-influenced local Alpine descendant of Vulgar Latin.

The Teutons have come very far indeed from the days where they used to be considered a pestilential threat to Roman civilization, and few are better-positioned to demonstrate that (while noticeably still retaining their ancestral Germanic character rather than Romanizing entirely, as the Franks have) than the Alemanni. They first entered the pages of history in the early third century, and were dubbed the 'Alemanni' or 'all men' on account of being one of the largest confederations of Germanic peoples encountered by the Roman Empire. However, the Alemanni's constituent tribes were known to Rome well before that point: for example the Suebi were known to have warred with Julius Caesar himself under the direction of Ariovistus, and would go on to absorb other great and notable Germanic tribes such as the Semnones, Marcomanni & Quadi into their ranks. These Suebi have consistently been the biggest and most dominant tribe in their history, and it is for that reason that their name has practically become synonymous with the Alemanni as a whole by the ninth century – more and more, the Germanic people of southwestern Magna Germania are now simply collectively referred to as 'Swabians' on their account, including among the so-called Alemanni themselves. Lesser tribes subordinate to and being absorbed by the Suebi (if they haven't faded away altogether already) include the Brisgavi of the great Black Forest[3] (OHG.: 'Swarzwald') and the Juthungi who once served Attila.

When they first encountered the Romans, the Alemanni were a persistently hostile and destructive force, piling on to the misery of the Crisis of the Third Century and routinely devastating Roman territories in Gaul & Italy until the descendants of Arbogast finally subjugated them in Rome's name in the sixth century. Since then however, like many other upstart barbarians the Alemanni have taken to Roman culture and religion quite readily, no doubt spurred on by the heavy presence of Christian monasteries in the remote Alpine territories occupied by this confederation and which held out through the days when they were still pagans. So familiar are they now to the neighboring Franks that in Francesc, their very name and that of their country – Alemand and Alemaigne, respectively – has become synonymous with the German people and Germany as a whole. That said, their comparatively remote location – separated from the Roman heartlands by said Alps and the great forests of their own homeland – and the pride they have in their history of constant battle with the Romans, always managing to bounce back after multiple severe thrashings at the hands of Emperors starting with Gallienus and even the departure of a third of the Suebic people on an ill-fated invasion of Rome which resulted in their subjugation by Stilicho & eventual disappearance in Africa, have also prevented them from dissociating from their Teutonic roots in the way that the neighboring Franks and Burgundians have.

As of 850 AD, the Alemanni still stand as the premier example of a Germanic federate kingdom beneath the aegis of the Holy Roman Empire: a nation of fearless and hardy warriors, faithful Christians, and led by a king who the Emperor can be reasonably certain (in this case, on account of not only their close personal friendship but also ties of kinship) wouldn't even think of heading down the same road as the despised Arminius. The Arbogastings who subdued them and other Teutonic kingdoms in past centuries had never made a secret of their conviction that Teutonic strength and valor, once tempered by Roman discipline & industriousness and further instilled with a Christian righteousness, would surely produce the greatest fighters in the world; and while they were thinking of their fellow Franks when they made such boasts, their southern Swabian neighbors have since made a mighty attempt at realizing that theory themselves. Alemanni knights and warriors have reliably fought beneath the chi-rho on battlefields from Denmark to Constantinople & beyond as both their own federate contingent and auxiliaries in direct Roman employ, and under the leadership of men such as the Adalrichinger dynasty which presently rules them, they are likely to continue on this path and attain further glories in doing so – the Aloysians are less worried about these faithful federates suddenly and arbitrarily turning coat, and more worried instead about whether their demands for such leal service might escalate.

Alemannia is considered one of the great 'stem kingdoms' – that is, a kingdom of and for one of the great Germanic tribes (OHG.: stam), in their case, the eponymous Alemanni/Swabians. In that regard it represents a continuation of the old tribal identity of the Alemanni or Suebi people of southwestern Magna Germania, the Agri Decumates and Rhaetia, now subordinated to the greater framework of the Holy Roman Empire and baptised into its Christian Church. That in turn means that the native, pre-Roman aristocracy have not merely survived but are thriving: the same great clans still rule more or less the same lands and remain at the head of the same kinship networks as before the Arbogastings laid the Alemanni low, rather than being replaced by a new Italo- or Franco-Roman elite, but now they have also cultivated a partnership with the Roman civil and ecclesiastical authorities and have access to Roman trade & technological marvels with which to improve their lives and those of their subjects[4].

The kings of the Alemanni exemplify the survival and retention of the old Teutonic elite into the new Roman-led order. In keeping with their old customs, this Teutonic confederacy is subdivided into twenty cantons (OHG: gowe, Lat.: pagi) based on the ancestral territories of its constituent tribes, led by an assortment of hereditary potentates described by the Romans as 'petty kings' (reguli) and 'princes' (regales et principes) depending on their strength but described by the Alemanni themselves as being of a kingly or at least princely rank (OHG: kuning and furisto, respectively). Each clan of petty Swabian royalty claims descent from a Germanic god or hero in the distant mythical past, as is common even for Christianized Teutons, and gather to elect a paramount king of all the Alemanni – the Ubari-Kuning or 'Overking', in Latin rex excelsior, which in time will evolve into überkünic and finally überkönig – for life at a diet (successor of the ancient Germanic thing or popular assembly) to replace the previous one on the latter's death. In pre-Roman times they could even elect two such paramount rulers, like the very Chnodomar and Westralp who were vanquished by Julian the Apostate in the Battle of Argentoratum, but in Holy Roman times it has become customary for the Alemanni to select only one such man.

As of 850 the Ubari-Kuning is Adalric (OHG: 'Adalrich') III, son of Adalric II and nephew of the Holy Roman Emperor Aloysius III, newly lawfully elected by the kings & princes of the various gowes and duly anointed & crowned by the Bishop of Churraetia[5]. He is distinguished from his father and grandfather of the same name with the moniker 'the Younger', or by his birthplace ('Adalrich von/of Ulm', as opposed to his predecessor being 'Adalrich von Tunesdorf[6]'). His clan, the Adalrichings (OHG: 'Adalrichinger'), were formerly known as the Gepponids after their ancestor Geppo, an Alemannic warlord who lived in the fourth century and was the founder & namesake of the town of Geppenge[7] in addition to the nearby fortress which has since served as their seat; but they have since renamed themselves after his father in honor of the latter's glorious martyrdom in battle against the heathen Danes. In this time the Germans still use patronyms when naming a distinct clan rather than a toponym (place-name), so it would not yet be accurate to refer to the Adalrichings of the ninth century as the 'House of Filiwigowe[8]' (after their home canton) or the 'House of Hohenstoufen' (after their seat).

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The kings & princes of the Alemanni gathering to elect Adalric III as the next Ubari-Kuning or Overking of their people. The former proudly wear crowns as befitting men descended from the kings of the ancient Marcomanni, Juthungi, Quadi, etc.

Through Geppo the Adalrichings further claim descent from the princes of the Semnones, including the famous Ariovistus who managed to survive being crushed by Julius Caesar at the Vosges, and by extension the mysterious god of that Suebic tribe, known only as regnator omnium deus ('God, Ruler of All'). This Ruler-of-All was probably an early take on Odin, and while the current-day Adalrichings would love to proclaim that he was actually the Christian God under a guise suited to their sensibilities (which would have made their Semnone ancestors the first Christian nation ever, predating even the Armenians), they cannot square such a claim with Tacitus' well-recorded observation of bloody human sacrifices being made in his honor. Other princely houses among the Alemanni boast of descent from the former rulers of the tribes which have since been absorbed into its ranks, almost all of whom also feature in the pages of Roman history as past antagonists to the Empire, such as the Marcomanni and Quadi.

Among the Teutonic peoples, their king has always served three main functions: to judge disputes between his people fairly, to direct them in honoring the gods properly at the sacrifices, and to lead them to victory in wartime. These responsibilities have changed little with the times, even though the Alemanni have exchanged their ancient gods for the singular Most High God of Christianity. Much like his ancestors the young Adalric is not, nor can he realistically expect to become, an absolute monarch: he remains constrained by the consensus of his vassals & must take their will into account when making decisions both in court and even on the battlefield (for example, when deciding who should hold the place of honor at the forefront of his ranks), and in religious matters, rather than carving up prisoners in a sacred grove to appease the Ruler-of-All he takes a leading role in Christian holiday processions; donates to the Church's charitable works and sponsors new parish churches & monasteries; regularly consults with the clerical authorities of his domain; and aspires to conduct a proper pilgrimage to Rome someday soon. As far as his ambitions go, the best he can hope for is to monopolize the Alemannic crown within his dynasty and so turn it from an elective office into a hereditary one, either outright or in all but name. That is likely to be a difficult and lifelong endeavor, being that he is the third of his dynasty to hold said throne in a row and the other great Swabian houses will want their own turn wearing the crown of the Overking.

In a process similar to those of the vast majority of the other federate kingdoms, the ancient laws of the Alemanni also survived past their barbaric days, synthesizing with Roman law into a new code intended to serve both the Swabians themselves and Roman citizens living on their territory equally well (in their case, they call their new legal code the Pactus Alamannorum) rather than being replaced altogether from the top down. Traces of Germanic influence can be most prominently seen in the Pactus' provisions for weregild payments and judicial dueling, while the Christian and Roman ones can be observed in the provisions made for seeking asylum in a church and in the doubling of fines for committing offenses against women if the woman happens to also be lawfully married. In the Roman vein, the Pactus is also explicitly proclaimed to be the law of the land in its own right and even the Ubari-Kuning is not exempt from its rules: in the Alemannic view, the king/emperor is not synonymous with the law and the latter is an independent binding force rather than a mere expression of his will, an advanced concept absent from the more backward federate kingdoms located further away from Rome's civilizing influence.

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The first pages of the Pactus Alemanni, the Swabians' equivalent to other Romano-Germanic legal codes such as the Codex Visigothorum

'Those who fight, those who pray, and those who work' – as a general rule, this is the tripartite division of labor under feudalism and Alemannia is no exception, for in their lands that system organically emerged out of the merger of the withered remnants of the Roman system of clientage in Germanic-occupied Rhaetia and the sippe or kinship system of said Teutons. Broadly speaking, Swabian society is based on these three classes: respectively they are the landed nobility, further stratified into multiple tiers bound to one another by ties of vassalage; the clergy, who have Germanized only rather slowly and who in the ninth century still mostly hail from the ranks of the Romance-speaking populations of the south of the realm; and the peasantry, who (as always) comprise the vast majority of their population.

The Swabian nobility (OHG.: adalfrī, 'free nobles') proudly carry the warrior-elite traditions of their forefathers into this current age, with boys training from a young age to fight and ride: the Overking Adalric himself is a testament to their martial qualities, having ably squired under Emperor Aloysius for much of his life up to this point. While Roman chroniclers recognized only two divisions in their ranks, the optimates (high nobility) and armati (knights and lesser nobility), in truth the social hierarchy within their ranks is a good deal more complicated than said Romans give them credit for. The Alemannic Ubari-Kuning is legally acknowledged as the owner of all Alemannia, whether it be soil which was never taken by the Romans in the first place or formally ceded to them through the terms of a foedus from centuries ago, and has since dispersed much of this territory to his vassals in the form of fiefs (OHG: lēhan). The land is delivered from the Overking to his vassal through a mutual exchange of oaths of fealty called the lēhanseit, by which both parties clasp their hands and solemnly swear to uphold certain outlined responsibilities to one another: at its most basic, the liege swears to respect the rights & property of his newly-sworn vassal, to protect him from injustice & his enemies, and to never intrude on either without valid reason (such as betrayal), while the newly enfeoffed liegeman swears to loyally serve his overlord both on & off the battlefield and to not break faith with him.

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The widowed Roman princess and former Alemannic queen Viviana, Aloysius III's sister, passes her scepter on to her daughter-in-law and the new queen Gerberga von Cannstadt, Adalric III's wife and a descendant of fourth-century Quadi royalty

However, in Alemannia and other Teutonic federate kingdoms, it is not uncommon – in fact it's even the norm – for the feudal lords to further divide their feudatories into smaller estates, with which he then enfeoffs his own vassals; who then enfeoff their own vassals, and so on, so forth. This has created a more sophisticated aristocratic pyramid and a more decentralized society than one can find in, for instance, Moorish Africa where every noble (regardless of his formal title) owes his land and allegiance solely to the Dominus Rex. An Alemannic adalhērir (literally 'noble elder' but roughly translating to 'baron', a title which will eventually evolve into freiherr – 'free gentleman/lord') owes his immediate allegiance not to the Ubari-Kuning, but to the grāfo (count, derived from Proto-Germanic garāfijō or 'commander' rather than the Latin comes) to whom he swore his fealty in exchange for his estates. Then that grāfo in turn owes his fealty firstly to whatever herizogo (duke – the title evolving out of the Proto-West Germanic term for war-chief, harjatogō or 'army leader', rather than the Latin dux) he got his land from and only secondly to the Ubari-Kuning, while in turn the adalhērir can at least theoretically count on the knights (OHG: rîtari) below him to have his back in any dispute with his overlords. There also exist a number of variations on titles which are theoretically equivalent to the basic ranks outlined above but often come with additional attached honors & responsibilities, such as the markgrāfo ('march-count' or Margrave) – a comital rank tasked with holding border counties against neighbors such as the Burgundians or Bavarians – further complicating this internal hierarchy.

In order to counter the power of the established magnates descended from the great Suebic and other tribal clans of yore, the Adalrichinger have sought to emulate their imperial overlords and expand a class of newer nobility sworn directly to themselves. As surely as the Romans recruit the ablest Teutons directly into their auxiliary cohorts and officer ranks rather than leave them be as members of an autonomous federate host, Adalrich III and his father have been slowly and methodically raising up men from the lower orders of Swabian society into newly-minted ranks such as burgmann (castellans, responsible for managing strategically-situated royal castles) and rîtariburtic ('free knights' sworn directly to the Ubari-Kuning). More generally this class of 'new men' are called the ministeriales (OHG: dionstmannen, 'serving men') since they were often assigned special administrative responsibilities, such as the stewardship of royal finances or castles (ex. As with the burgmann above), in spite of their oft-lowly birth compared to the true adalfrī. They held fewer rights compared to the adalfrī, and their fiefs were normally not legally permitted to pass on to their descendants (instead reverting to the Ubari-Kuning upon their death), but they were still ranked nobles and could very well accumulate wealth based off of their fief to independently acquire freeholds which would then actually be heritable within their family.

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A burgmann, or royal castellan, and the castle he's been assigned with stewarding. In the ninth century Swabian engineering had yet to catch up with that of the Romans, and so their fortresses may not seem as majestic as those built by their overlords, but they do the job well enough – especially in the rough terrain which these folk call home

'Those who pray' consist of the Ionian Christian clergy of the Alemannic lands. While the Christianization of the Alemanni has inevitably also led to the growth in number of Germanic priests to tend to the spiritual needs of the German people, by and large this rank (especially the uppermost echelons of the Ionian Church structure) remains the last preserve of the Romanized Celtic & Rhaetic population native to those parts of the former Roman province of Rhaetia and Germania Superior. Marginal holdouts can be found in communities as far north as Baden[9], which in Latin is still called Aurelia Aquensis, but the vast majority of these people now live in the southern reaches of Alemannia (as well as neighboring Bavaria and Burgundy), in the protective remoteness of the Alps and around the lakes at their feet in towns which the Teutons call the 'Bodensee'. These Rhaeto-Romans (Romansh: Rumàntschs, OHG: Raētoromanen) have tried to keep the urban mode of living and advanced Roman industry alive to the best of their ability in towns such as Konstanz (the former Constantia) and Bregenz (formerly Brigantia), and consequently are reportedly more urbane & literate than their German neighbors and overlords. And while the highest-ranking clerical authorities are expected to at least understand the German language in addition to Latin itself, if only to ensure they can't be cheated by the Swabians, among themselves these people still communicate in a Romance language – 'Romansh', which evolved from the dialect of Vulgar Latin spoken in the high mountains and valleys they call home.

That greater rate of literacy and connection to Rome serves the Rhaeto-Romans well in their own elite's near-monopolization of clerical offices in Swabia, as they comprise the majority of the Alemannic populace capable of actually reading from the Bible and the works of the Church Fathers. It is through the Church that these Rhaeto-Romans still exercise any modicum of power at all, as it is customary for the worldly nobility to donate estates to them and for the bishops to then return that land (in a certain manner) to the Teutons – highborn and common alike – in the form of benefices, off which the bishops still collected rent in addition to securing military protection against bandits and raiders from their new tenant. Normally Ionian benefices are held only for life and revert to the Church upon the tenant's death, akin to ministerial estates, but even peasants would be allowed to pass their benefice on to their children if they could afford to pay an inheritance fee to the Church. Of course, more German nobility & royalty would like to get their kin appointed as clerics of note with a caretaker role over the wealth of the Church in the Alps, including the reigning Adalrichinger: there can be little doubt that this will be a point of tension between the Teutonic and Rhaeto-Roman populations in the future, and in that case the latter had best hope their considerable soft power can win them the day without a literal fight, as the much more martially inclined Germans will almost certainly prevail if the situation escalates to violence.

By far the mightiest and most influential of the Rhaeto-Romans is the Prince-Bishop of Churraetia, or simply 'Chur' to the Germans, who as the nominal praeses (governor) of Rhaetia Prima is one of the very few bishops with temporal power over a territory larger than his episcopal seat in existence outside of Dacia. His equivalent in Bavaria is the Prince-Archbishop of Augsburg, formerly Augusta Vindelicorum, by tradition the nominal praeses of the also-defunct province of Rhaetia Secunda. In practice, of course, it is rare for this Prince-Bishop to actually organize and lead an army into battle to defend his flock, as the Dacian bishops must against various steppe invaders and their Slavic neighbors from time to time: in addition to ensuring the smooth governance of Churraetia and its attached lands, mostly they just serve as the chief administrators & judges of the Alemannic kings and the highest representative of the Rhaeto-Roman populace at the Swabian court, and also have the privilege of crowning the next Ubari-Kuning. Aside from the Prince-Bishopric, monasteries and convents also tend to accumulate great and inalienable estates, from which they run businesses and charitable activities to the benefit of the rural commons such as breweries, apiaries (for honey & beeswax) and almshouses.

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A peaceful hilltop monastery of the Rhaeto-Romans not far from Churraetia, still possessing the low wall once built to keep the neighboring Alemanni out back when they were the furthest thing imaginable from the friendly Christians of today

'Those who work' refers to the commons, and while it is normally taken to mean just the peasantry, in practice this social class also covers the small but growing ranks of the burghers. In the former case, as is the case in the rest of Europe and much of the Old World, Alemannia is of course a primarily agrarian society and thus the vast majority of Swabians must till the land in order to avoid starvation. As of the mid-ninth century, serfdom has yet to fully set in across these lands: there are more unfree peasants whose home & farmland is rented from a noble lord than there are free ones who own the property they live on, but the numerical balance is not yet totally overwhelming in the former's favor. There are in fact more serfs in the south of Alemannia, where the institution of serfdom has evolved out of the Roman coloni and latifundiae, than there are in the Germanic north, though it would certainly be inaccurate and anachronistic to imagine that all lower-class Rhaeto-Romans are serfs while their Swabian counterparts are all free. While slavery still exists north of the Alps, it is comparatively rare to find slaves in Alemannia as opposed to, say, Italy or Africa.

With Alemannia being a federate kingdom subject to the Holy Roman Empire, even the lowest serfs can enjoy a higher standard of living than they probably would otherwise. Obviously, being distinct from slaves even if they are technically unfree laborers, they still had guaranteed rights – to their own property (just not the actual land they're living on), to their crops outside of the amount they owed to their lord, and to their own life, which the lord could not deprive them of for no reason. Furthermore, Roman infrastructural projects (roads, dams, land clearances, etc.) and the dissemination of technological know-how has brought in advancements like the water-powered turbine mill and the heavy plough, both of which have made agriculture across not just the Alemannic lands but all of Roman-controlled or influenced Northern Europe vastly more productive, as well as other industries (for example, water-driven sawmills have proven a boon to the lumber industry).

As for the merchants & artisans, Alemannia's control over the northern Alpine passes has provided it with quite a bit of potential as a commercial hub, one that enterprising businessmen and the lords in charge of said passes are eager to take advantage of. Trade flowing through the mountains and along the great Roman roads, old and new alike, has revitalized the ancient cities of the Rhaeto-Romans once thought lost to the tide of barbarism and fostered the growth of new towns where before only forests and scattered villages stood, such as Buchau and Ulm. Riverine trade down the Danube to the east and the Rhine to the north has also proven both profitable and conducive to the growth of settlements along their respective courses & tributaries. While (like the clergy) mercantile professions are presently dominated by the Rhaeto-Romans, on account of them having the benefit of still living in & controlling what remains of the great Roman cities of Rhaetia, their dominance in this area is not nearly as well-entrenched as that in the ecclesiastical field – enterprising Swabian merchants & craftsmen will probably overtake them in number soon, and then spread eastward to trade in everything from furs to wheat to salt to pottery in both other Germanic and Slavic kingdoms, often by the invitation of the local rulers.

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Swabian commoners traveling from the backwoods to the nearest town along a via terrena, or earthen road, built by Roman legions as they moved from Trévere to Italy. While not the Romans' finest work, the fact that this road exists at all is already an improvement for the rustic locals, connecting their home village to a market and thus making movement & commerce easier

As is the case with the fighting forces of the rest of Europe's early feudal realms, the armies of the Alemanni are centered on 'those who fight' – the nobility, which in their case are the adalfrī, they whose privileged position in society is justified by their martial prowess and obligation to defend their subjects from injustice & the depredations of their foes (hence why Christian records describe them not merely as domini, 'lords', but also defensores or protectors of those beneath their banner). The chivalry and nobility of the Swabians usually begin training for combat from around the age of six to eight, when they become attendants – a pagus ('servant') in the Latin of the Romans who first outlined & recorded this practice, or pageboy – to a senior knight, sometimes a relative and in other cases a family friend. They would clean & maintain their guardian's equipment in addition to learning the basics of combat, horse-riding, and rigorous physical exercises under his watch; engage in noble pursuits like hunting & falconry for the first time; and spar with other pages using wooden weapons to hone their fighting ability. By their early teen years, the page would be expected to follow their master into combat, thereby becoming known as a scutarius ('shield-bearer') or 'squire'; and if he manages to survive around the age of 21 without showing cowardice or ineptitude, his master will then finally knight him.

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A slightly younger Adalric III as a squire to his uncle, Aloysius III

Since they form the professional warrior class of Alemannia, Swabian knights or rîtari and the lords of the various many ranks are required to maintain war-horses and a panoply of arms using the rents & taxes they collect from their subjects in order to properly execute their duties. In that regard, their equipment greatly resembles that of other Teutonic fighting men of their rank, such an array of gear having been universally adopted precisely because it just works: in the ninth century this would have been a padded arming jacket patterned after the Roman subarmalis, plus a mail byrnie and coif over it, and a nasal or flat-topped helmet (the natural evolution of the earlier Germanic spangenhelm, now being a one-piece rather than constructed of multiple iron plates fused together within a framework made of smaller metal strips) – a relatively simple but effective combination. Especially wealthy and prominent lords, as well as the Ubari-Kuning and his household, might try to copy the more glamorous armor of Roman generals & princes by gilding their mail and adding linen pteruges to further protect their waist, upper legs & shoulders.

As far as arms go, the Alemannic chivalry will start a battle wielding the lance from horseback as most knights do, but they are especially famed for their prowess with the sword, and for forging the finest swords in all Germania. They actually prefer to fight on foot, not merely due to the terrain of their homeland being generally unsuitable for mounted combat, but so that they can wield the keen longswords of their people with both hands for maximum effectiveness. Swabian knights have been recorded chopping foes in twain with their fearsome blades in battles from the Levant to the Danish border[10], and have earned some notoriety for being unusually reckless and eager to come to grips with the foe even among the soldiery of the Teutonic federates: it would seem to Roman eyes that the fiery and free spirit of the Suebi has not become as tame as that of, say, the Franks or Burgundians.

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Alemannic knights or rîtari with their Overking. They may have adopted the lance and stirrup to become heavy cavalrymen under Roman influence, but first & foremost these men are renowned throughout Christian Europe for their skill with the sword

As justly and fiercely proud of their warlike heritage as they may be, of course, the knights of Alemannia cannot often win battles alone – least of all because the Pactus Alemanni binds them to serve their Overking without complaint or expectation of further pay for only 40 days, putting pressure on him (or his own Roman overlord, if he finds a need to call the Alemannic foederati to arms) to conclude his campaign in a hurry or else not fight at all until he has enough money to pay his great warriors for more than those 40 days. In terms of more reliable soldiers, the Ubari-Kuning can count on his own household knights and ministeriales/dionstmannen, the former being furnished for war at his own expense and the latter being required to maintain arms, armor & a horse comparable to those of the adalfrī as part of their duties as nobles (unfree though they may be). While not as numerous as the unbound Alemannic nobility & royalty, at least Adalrich and his predecessors could expect these men to follow their orders and stick around for more than 40 days with greater reliability.

The Adalrichinger and other great Alemannic houses do not like to issue a general levy of their subjects, for not only do they know that they can get more done with a small but highly professional army, but they consider it improper for a mere peasant to take up arms (which he probably can't even wield effectively) when he would frankly do more good growing food for them to sustain themselves with. Thus rather than mobilize the peasantry (OHG: būro, Lat.: comprovinciales), who can at best be useful as laborers or a roving mob torching enemy farms but are otherwise useless in a fight, they would rather call upon the urban militias of the Rhaeto-Romans (Rsh.: guarda). Being a disciplined mix of armored spearmen and missile troops (including crossbowmen) maintained at their town's expense, these semi-professional soldiers are not so different from their urban Italian counterparts across the Alps save in being fewer in number, and those loaned to the Overking by their bishops & city councils provide the Alemannic army with an additional contingent of disciplined infantrymen. Alas, the idea of improving their fighting ability by lengthening their spears into pikes and adapting tactics involving such long polearms to the Alpine environment will not be conceived of for some centuries yet.

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A heavy spearman and archer of Churraetia's militia or 'guarda', who may lack the horses and lifetime combat training of the Swabian chivalry but are still equipped to a far superior standard than the average Swabian peasant can hope to afford

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[1] The mountain of Hohenstaufen, lowest of the Drei Kaiserberge ('Three Emperor-Mountains') of the Swabian Alps.

[2] A real language, one acknowledged as an official language in modern Switzerland and part of the Rhaeto-Romance family alongside Ladin and Friulian.

[3] Better known in modern German as the Schwarzwald.

[4] Historically, the native Alemannic aristocracy was massacred following a failed rebellion by Charles Martel's son and Pepin the Short's brother Carloman, Mayor of the Palace in Austrasia (East Francia), at the Blood Court of Canstatt in 746.

[5] Chur.

[6] Donzdorf.

[7] Göppingen.

[8] 'Filsgau' in modern German.

[9] Baden-Baden.

[10] Historically the Swabians had a reputation of being expert swordsmen, as evidenced by records of the Battle of Civitate where they fought to the death in defense of the Pope's cause and were indeed noted to have a preference for fighting on foot with their longswords against the mounted Normans.
Almost All early states had few capitols,for example Poland had Gniezno,Poznań and Kraków.Mostly becouse new dynasty must check if somebody in old tribes do not try something funny,but also becouse of lack of food.
 

shangrila

Well-known member
Hmm, a dynasty to be called Hohenstaufen with blood descent from an Imperial princess already? Another contender for the Imperial throne if the Aloysians ever die out or elections become a thing.

Or alternatively, they break up along all those faultlines like Swabia historically did leaving a giant mess for the Emperors to deal with. Federates disintegrating (outside the dangerous Stilichian inheritance of Spain) might be an interesting dilemma for Emperors. Historical Emperors loved their high vassals breaking up, but the Aloysians fear their non-Stilichian vassals much less and may prefer more centralized federate states.
 

PsihoKekec

Swashbuckling Accountant
Aloysians would surely prefer either federates wholly subsumed into imperial domain or stay strong as counterbalance to Stilichians as with fragmented federates it would be easier for Stilichians to find allies.
 

ATP

Well-known member
I remember now some swabian mercaneries who in OTL fought for pope against normas - they fought on foot using two-handed swords,and get wiped to the last when rest of the army heroically run.

About 1080 AD,if i remember correctly.Forget where they fought,except that it was in Italy.
 
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851-855: The Years of Shaking Spears

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
The 850s were generally a peaceful decade for the Roman world, making for a most welcome break for the various peoples living under the chi-rho after the various and oft-bloody difficulties they had to face under the reign of Constantine VII and Romanus III, no matter how ably those previous Emperors were able to navigate these challenges. 851 was but the start of this trend, as Aloysius III appeared to have solved every significant short-term problem in the land: he had finally beaten the Islamic menace which loomed large over his father & grandfather back somewhat, subdued the Norse threat for the foreseeable future, and even begat an heir to ensure a stable succession. His greatest immediate challenge now was refilling the imperial coffers, which had been perilously emptied from the highs it enjoyed under the Five Majesties and his grandsire Constantine to finance one war after another.

To that end, the Augustus Imperator turned once more to the single greatest collective pool of wealth within his empire – Italy. Duties collected off the Silk Road trade and the tribute from the Khazars was all well & good, but it wasn't enough to quickly restore the fiscal health of the Empire, after all. To sweeten the bitter pill of the state's monetary demands, Aloysius consulted with the Italian urban elites and agreed to grant them additional privileges & liberties in exchange for heightened payments from their pockets into his own, which he encouraged them to think of as their side of a reciprocal exchange of gifts rather than a new tax. The curiae (town councils comprised of locally elected magistrates) had some of the power they'd lost under Rome's increasingly absolutist turn via the Dominate returned to them, such as: the authority to judge the citizens of their respective cities in civil & minor criminal cases as a high jury; increased responsibility over the collection of local taxes & tolls; increased control over civic services, such as the firefighters and town guards; and the right to petition the Emperor himself for redress if their appointed governor did something untoward.

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A fresco depicting the updated Italo-Roman ideal of 'good government'. While acknowledging the divinely sanctioned rulership of the Augustus Imperator and the Blood of Saint Jude, they also believe that a good Emperor defers to the Senate and allows the elected curiae (being the best-positioned authority to understand local needs) to regulate their own cities to the greatest possible extent

While it could not yet be said that the Italian cities were independent or even particularly autonomous communes, this expansion (or rather, restoration) of their municipal rights did surely tilt the balance of power further away from the Emperor's representatives south of the Alps (and the bishops, in those cases where they were the appointed imperial governors of the cities) toward the popular parties in said cities, thereby reinforcing local authority which had previously been heavily eroded in favor of the centrally-appointed officials since the fourth century with only a few reversals from time to time (at least outside of exceptional cases such as Venice, which was already self-governing) prior to this point. Only the greatest bishops in Italy, chiefly that of Rome – AKA the Pope himself – but also including the likes of Ravenna's, Milan's and Aquileia's (notably, the first two were also former imperial capitals), could resist such a reduction of their temporal powers in their respective capacities and instead preserve the municipal supremacy of the ecclesiastical & imperial authorities over any elected council, assembly or guild. Speaking of which, further increasing the power of the urban mercantile class was the evolution of the traditional collegia into proper guilds, which also took place around this time and which Aloysius signed off on as a further concession to the urban interests.

Previously merely voluntary associations of specialists, from this year onward the existing collegia were now granted the exclusive right to work & hire for whatever profession they specialized in (glassmaking, furniture-making, etc.), even in those cities where the bishops and imperial officials were able to marginalize the popular curiae. For example, where before it was legal (if difficult) for a Roman citizen to maintain one's own boat & crew for transporting cargo over the sea as a private individual unaffiliated with the local collegium, now it was legally impossible to operate as such without first becoming a due-paying member of the Corpus Naviculariorum, the Eternal City's official guild of merchant mariners: the guildsmen need not even send saboteurs to sink the independent operator's ship, for they now had the sole legal right to negotiate charterparties and docking rights. Inevitably, these guilds would come to dominate and monopolize all legal commercial activities in each city over the coming decades and centuries.

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The busy marketplace of Pisa at high noon. The empowered guilds & merchants of the peninsula would serve as the backbone of a great commercial revolution in the Mediterranean in the coming centuries, though they were hindered by things like ecclesiastical bans on selling in church squares and the Christian prohibition on usury

Since the need to rebuild after the previous period of extended hostilities was omnipresent across the rest of the civilized world from the Middle East to China, this state of peace & renewed attention on internal affairs also held true in Khazaria, the Caliphate, India and the Far East. In the Islamic world, besides engaging in a campaign of rebuilding the war-scorched lands of Syria & Mesopotamia which were left to him and also raising new fortifications, Caliph Ahmad also embarked on a most ambitious project to demonstrate the strength of his commitment to Egypt and his forgiveness of that province's decision to back his rebellious half-brother: the construction of a new canal linking the Red Sea at Al-Kulzum[1] ('Clysma' to the Romans) to the Nile near Al-Fustat[2], the regional capital of Egypt under Muslim rule, in imitation of the ancient canal of the Ptolemies. While not quite directly linking the Mediterranean to the Red Sea, and prone to getting choked up with silt unless routinely maintained, the canal did serve its intended purpose of greatly facilitating trade – and if need be, the movement of supplies & soldiers from Arabia and beyond to Egypt, as well.

In India, the Salankayanas and Chandras engaged in a frenzy of rebuilding across the reconquered northern lands to the greatest possible extent that their respective treasuries would allow: there was no small amount of devastated towns to resettle, bridges and dams to repair, and Hindu temples & Buddhist monasteries to rebuild in the wake of the Saracens' retreat, for the Alids (who themselves were rebuilding their forces for the next round of inevitable hostilities with those they damned as 'pagans') had not been kind to these territories when they first came and further engaged in scorched-earth warfare on their way out to spite their Indian foes. As for China, the Liang and the Han were both engaged in reconstruction with an eye on renewing hostilities sometime later this decade or early in the next: the Liang to push their rivals back south of the Yangtze, the Han to build on their gains and finish driving the dagger they'd gained at Pengcheng into the Liang's heart. Dingzong was not all about building, though: since he still controlled the upper lengths of much of northern & central China's rivers, he also considered the possibility of destroying dams to wash away the True Han forces downriver. Such a strategy would certainly kill many of his former and hopefully-future subjects too, but if their sheer numbers made his situation as desperate as before, that might be a sacrifice he would have to be willing to make for the sake of victory.

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Bhillamala, one of the northern Indian cities recovered from the Alids by the Salankayanas. While Simhavishnu did his best to recapture the former glory of cities like these, it would take much longer for their populations to recover after the devastation of the Islamic conquest and the scorched-earth tactics applied during their retreat

Aloysius' civic reforms might have restored some more power and vitality to the Italian cities, but one of the greatest among their number was not yet satisfied. For that matter, neither was the Emperor himself, for he still had some debts to cover and some more space in his treasury to fill. Sensing an opportunity to strike a mutually beneficial bargain (but one which would especially benefit themselves), in 852 the Venetians seized this chance to petition the Augustus Imperator for the right to form a confederal league with those Dalmatian cities friendly to them, ostensibly for the dual purpose of facilitating maritime commerce and mutual self-defense against the inland South Slavic principalities. The representatives of Doge Tommaso Candiano were careful to assure the Emperor that by no means did they intend to undermine his right to appoint the chief executive magistrates of each Dalmatian city, nor any other privilege enjoyed by the imperial garrisons and officials, beyond those liberties that he had already restored to their counterparts in Italy proper; and that not only would this league continue to unconditionally support the Holy Roman Emperor in all his endeavors, but Venice and its new Dalmatian allies would be twice as effective at such duties when they could pool & coordinate their resources collectively.

Ultimately these arguments swayed Aloysius, although he set an exceedingly high price on his assent. In order to receive the privilege they were asking for, Venice had to pay a behemoth sum into the imperial treasury, the equivalent to two years' income – something achieved only by way of the Candianos and their allies managing to procure contributions from the urban patrician families of that city by hook & by crook, on top of nearly emptying their own civic coffers. This definitively put to rest any worry of financial insolvency on the part of the Augustus Imperator, that was for sure. But to said Venetians, the price was well worth it, for they now found themselves at the head of an Adriatic league of free cities independent of any temporal authority save that of the Emperors in Trévere. Fully half of the great Dalmatian cities fell in line behind the Lion of Saint Mark, most of which were already bound to Venice by strong commercial ties: Crepsa[3], Vikla[4], Traù[5], and Spalato[6]. Naturally, whatever these Dalmatians thought they'd be getting out of this deal and for all the pretense about their league being a confederacy of equals, the Venetians fully intended from the start to politically integrate them beneath Venetian command and reduce them to little more than dependencies on the new 'Queen of the Adriatic'.

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Venetian councillors welcoming emissaries from their new Dalmatian 'allies'. Oldest, most powerful and certainly the most ambitious of the burgeoning Italian maritime republics, the Serenissima fancied itself the master of the Adriatic and – though not independent of the Holy Roman Emperor – certainly a power without whose wealth and 'gentle advice' he cannot do

However the people of Jadera[7], which was strong enough to consider itself a real rival to Venice's mercantile ambitions, were rightly suspicious of their Italian neighbor's designs: choosing to set aside historical grudges against the Croats for driving their ancestors out of their old homes in the Illyrian hinterland and to instead focus on today's rivalries, they stayed out of the Adriatic League and formed an alliance with the Croatian principality, giving the latter a large and prosperous new port – greater even than Carantanian Trsat – in exchange for support against Venetian schemes. Ragusa would trust no other than the Holy Roman Emperor to secure their safety, and Cattaro cut a deal with the Serbs which resembled the one Jadera had made with the Croats. Observing these developments, Aloysius thought that a regional balance of power around the Adriatic had thus organically formed between Venice, the South Slavs and the remaining autonomous Dalmatian cities: if any further intervention might be required on his part, it would surely be on land, west of Venice.

Meanwhile on the other side of the continent, while the fallout of the war with Rome may have proven devastating to Denmark, it indirectly proved a boon to the Norse Kingdom of the Isles, which had for several years found itself flooded by a veritable glut of exiles escaping impoverishment and the unpopular rule of Claudius-Fjölnir back home. By now, those who did not continue on their westward journey to Iceland and beyond or at least to Ireland actually outnumbered the older Viking settlers of Orkney and the Hebrides, and in order to give them an outlet for their restless energy without jeopardizing his recently-reconciled relations with the Hiberno-Norse jarls, King Áleifr Sumarliðison ('Amhlaoibh Mac Somhairle' to his Gaelic subjects) decided to direct an incursion into the kingdom of the Picts. In that regard he had an advantage right out of the gate for the petty-king of Cait, Uist map Unen, had risen in rebellion against the Pictish over-king in Fortriu, Telurgan III map Broichan, and was willing to enter an alliance with the Norsemen.

Áleifr landed 800 warriors in Cait and marched with the 600 Picts of Uist to do battle with Telurgan's loyalists, who numbered about a thousand strong. The combination of aggressive Pictish skirmishers with heavily-armored Norse infantry proved an effective one in the highlands, especially with the former guiding the latter through the treacherous hills and mountains of their homeland, and the alliance won a resounding victory over the rival Picts in the Battle of Beinn Clìbric[8], where Telurgan was killed in the chaos of the royalists' rout. Unfortunately for Uist, the Norse were not inclined to leave with what paltry treasures he offered as payment and he soon found himself having to pledge allegiance to Áleifr as his new overlord, lest the King of the Isles kill him and take his lands by force instead.

Telurgan's son Dungarth was a young man, eager to avenge his father but inexperienced in battle, so as part of his preparation for a renewed war with the Norse invaders he found for himself a veteran commander in Map Beòthu of Cé. A brutally effective but superstitious warlord known for consorting with some of the few remaining druidesses who still dared to show their face in the mostly Christianized Pictland, Map Beòthu was also famed for driving Viking reavers back into the sea in the past, but his help would not come cheap. In the winter of this year he demanded, and Dungarth had little choice but to give, the hand of the latter's cousin Gruoch – the only child of the late Telurgan's brother and predecessor Drest IX – in marriage.

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A Viking party braving the cold winds to come ashore onto the rocky coast of northern Pictland

The great powers of the world were not the only ones in need of rebuilding. On the Holy Roman Empire's far northern periphery, Claudius-Fjölnir had spent the last few years dodging assassination attempts at the hands of his disgruntled subjects, who by and large viewed him as a traitor and a Roman lackey. As of 853, the king insisted that he took no pleasure in his deeds and that everything he was doing, up to & including taxing them and sending off the children of those who couldn't pay his tribute-tax as slaves to Rome, was a necessary evil to ensure Denmark's long term survival. The dismantlement of sections of the Danevirke by Roman engineers, with the observation and compelled acquiescence of the Danes, as part of his treaty with Aloysius also made the Danish core lands – thus far untouched by the fires of the various wars fought by his father & brother – vulnerable to a Roman attack, and made averting a third renewal of hostilities with the Empire even more critical in his eyes.

Now Claudius-Fjölnir had studied the shortcomings of the aforementioned campaigns, having not failed to notice that they became increasingly disastrous precisely because his brother seemed to learn nothing and yet also forget nothing from their father's defeat at the hands of Aloysius' own. Going on a sustained offensive, and especially trying to invade the Aloysian heartlands, was clearly a suicidal move and not to be repeated going forward: Danish naval expertise was best put to use facilitating an extensive campaign of harassment and keeping their routes of retreat open, not seeking to conquer Trévere or forcing a decisive battle where the odds most likely favored Rome over Denmark. The Romans' cavalry advantage also gave them an enormous edge in both strategic mobility and direct combat, and the king was interested in creating a Danish equivalent to the imperial chivalry – after all, it wasn't as though horses were totally unknown to his own warriors, it was just that the Danes (like all Norsemen) preferred to use them purely for transportation to the battlefield before dismounting to fight. Finally, rebuilding the Danevirke was an undertaking of the utmost necessity and a project he had to start the instant the Romans took their eye off Denmark.

However, identifying these problems was one thing; finding the funding to work on any of them was quite another – ships, horses and fortifications were not cheap, after all. Thus, while striving to appease the Romans to avoid annihilation in the short term, Claudius-Fjölnir sought to secure new streams of revenue which could help him attain his goal of rebuilding Danish strength. The most obvious course of action was to direct Danish raiding against rival Norse kingdoms to the north & east as well as the Baltic lands, which lay outside the bounds of Roman authority and were filled with pagan tribes for whom the Romans had no great affection: these lands had little to take in the first place, but Denmark was in such poor fiscal straits that at this point, Claudius-Fjölnir was willing to grasp for even bits of straw. Moreover, such expeditions would also give his remaining warriors an outlet for their rage so that they wouldn't try to take it out on him.

Next the king imposed arbitrary tolls on ships passing through the Skagerrak, Kattegat and Ørasundi[9] straits, to be enforced by what was left of the Danish navy. He also scrapped together a new fort at Helsingør, to serve as a port for his own ships and a place where they could tow those of others until the crew offered up the demanded tribute. Claudius-Fjölnir successfully argued for Roman permission to do these things on the basis that otherwise he really wouldn't be able to pay the tribute they were demanding from him, and that they would then be left trying to squeeze blood from a rock. However, the other Norsemen were not happy about his imposition on their travels & commerce, nor did they care for the Danish monarch's reasons for getting in the way of their business; among the southern petty-kings of Norway, the idea of forming an anti-Danish league to free the straits began to gain ground.

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Claudius-Fjölnir, looking appropriately downcast for a king in his position. Maligned by his nephew & subjects as a tyrant and a puppet of Rome, while also being barely tolerated by Romans on account of his nominal conversion to Christianity and commitment to peace, he was stuck in the dire straits of knowing how to improve his kingdom's chances going forward but having virtually no resources or political capital with which to undertake the necessary reforms

While Claudius-Fjölnir struggled in Denmark itself, his princely nephew was struggling on the battlefields of the eastern Varangians. Through his recent marriage to a local princess of the Ilmen Slavs, Yngvarr of Holmgarðr had unwittingly pushed himself and his people into hostile Slavic politics, for the tribe his bride Umila was from were the ancestral foes of a more powerful tribe based out of the town of Rusa[10] to the south. Upon hearing of their wedding feast, the latter's prince Velimir got the impression that these strangers from the west had enlisted with his ancient rivals and promptly launched a pre-emptive attack against the men of Holmgarðr early in 853. Yngvarr and his newest wife barely escaped one such surprise assault on their newly-built lodge south of Lake Ladoga, which was burned down in a fraction of the time it took his father-in-law to build it, thanks to the valor of his housecarl Ráðbarðr Twisted-Beard and the latter's ward Amleth.

Whatever Velimir's reasons for launching this attack, Yngvarr had to retaliate, and he would spend the rest of the year doing just that. Ráðbarðr, his sons and Amleth collectively stood at the forefront of the Varangian counterattacks against Velimir's principality, each distinguishing themselves in furious combat against the hostile Ilmen Slavs across the forests and waterways of the land around & beyond Lake Ladoga. By autumn the Norse had fought their way to Rusa itself, bolstered by reinforcements dispatched from Beloozero by Valdamarr to assist his twin, and if Velimir hoped that the onset of winter might deter the Varangians from attacking, he was severely mistaken. Amleth further won fame for himself by being the first Varangian warrior to scale Velimir's palisade while Ráðbarðr personally struck Velimir down at the battle's climax and presented his head to Yngvarr, for which the Swedish prince agreed to consider all his debts paid and to release him from his obligations. Velimir's surviving family and subjects, having holed up in Rusa's gord, surrendered immediately afterward and were integrated into Yngvarr's growing kingdom.

Ráðbarðr and Amleth would then proceed to make the most of their newfound freedom by going on an extremely lengthy trading adventure down the Volga to Khazaria, Central Asia and ultimately Sindh before circling back to Europe through Islamic Abyssinia, Nubia and Egypt – an odyssey that would span more than 10 years and see them eventually return to their countrymen as living legends, weighed down with tales that would inspire future Norse explorers to travel in other directions and seek out distant, presently unexplored lands in an attempt to match their feats. Ráðbarðr's favorite son Hrafn 'the Black' accompanied them on this voyage, but his brothers did not, instead scattering – whether staying in Holmgarðr to continue serving Yngvarr or going to Sweden, Norway or the Isles – to engage in various adventures for the next decade, each building up their own legend in their own ways.

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Amleth arriving in Kyiv, for once not to pick a fight, but to peaceably trade with the Ruthenians before continuing onward to Khazaria

Come 854, the Norsemen of the Isles made another push into Pictland. Before, they had conquered Cait; but now Áleifr sought to conquer the whole of that rival Celtic kingdom, and thus secure for himself the entirety of Britannia proper which was not already under Roman rule. His ranks swelled back up to about 1,200 strong by yet another wave of Scandinavian exiles & adventurers, including two sons of Ráðbarðr – his firstborn Einarr the Elder, and his third son Gunnarr the Amorous – Áleifr thus began his attack with a slew of raids out of Cait, which drew much of the Pictish forces up north and away from their high seat of power closer to the Firth of Forth (which also marked their boundary with England). While Áleifr's own son Óttar and Uist of Cait distracted the Picts in the highlands, Áleifr landed with four-fifths of his army on the northern side of the Firth and proceeded on a tear across the Pictish highland, sending Dungarth fleeing from his own poorly-defended capital at Pheairt[11] and burning down the nearby village of Sgoin[12], a place sacred to both the present-day Pictish Christians and their pagan ancestors where their kings were traditionally crowned.

However, in spite of these early and devastating defeats, the Pictish high king was in no mood to surrender. He called upon his ally Map Beòthu, who in turn descended from Cé with 400 warriors. Rather than immediately fight the larger primary host of the Vikings, as Dungarth had wished, Map Beòthu marched around them through the rugged highlands of the Pictish hinterland so that he might take the less suicidal course of confronting the secondary army of Óttar & Uist first, which would also allow him to link up with the majority of the Pictish forces. He defeated this northern division of the Norsemen at the Battle of Dòrnach[13], boldly leading his men from the front with a great two-handed sword in his hands and using this weapon to smite the treacherous Uist with such a blow that he sundered the other man in half. Óttar fled before the foe after beholding that gruesome sight, and a grateful Dungarth pledged to name Map Beòthu the new petty-king of Cait over whatever heirs Uist might have left once the fighting was done.

However before they could evict the Norsemen from Cait proper, the Picts had to contend with Áleifr, now moving northward in hopes of thrashing the last consolidated Pictish army in the field and completing his conquest in a single stroke. Map Beòthu was happy to give battle, but only on his terms: the Picts used their superior knowledge of the terrain to mount a nighttime ambush of the Norsemen in Druim Uachdair[14], the safest mountain pass linking the northern highlands to the Grampian Mountains in the south. Most men might flee in terror from being woken up at midnight by a horde of woad-painted barbarians suddenly descending from the nearby hills and howling for their blood, but the Vikings of the Isles were made of sterner stuff and Áleifr overcame the initial panic to rally them into a shield-wall south of their camp. There the Vikings held out until Map Beòthu personally led a wedge of armored warriors to break their line: in his mail & furs he proved nigh-immune to the Norsemen's arrows and rocks, and after killing one of Áleifr's housecarls by catching that man's javelin and hurling it back at him he severed one of the Norse king's hands in single combat, driving the latter to retreat.

The Picts harried the Norsemen's southward rout and killed another two hundred men before giving up their chase around the next evening, in the process briefly capturing Gunnarr Ráðbarðrson: however, they were only able to keep him captive for a few hours before his brother Einarr cut him free at great personal risk. In any case, the Picts had certainly won the day (and night) and were able to extract a favorable peace settlement from the wounded Áleifr, who had to pay reparations for the damage he and his men had caused to the kingdom in addition to vacating Cait after their two years of occupation. Map Beòthu not only took possession of the second petty-kingdom promised to him by Dungarth, where he allowed the Norse who'd come to settle & take local wives to stay in exchange for serving him, but he also greatly rose in esteem – some might say he eclipsed his over-king in prestige now – for having led the first major Celtic resistance effort against the Viking interlopers to achieve actual success beyond the short term. Though the Picts were in general considered barbarians by the rest of Christendom and Map Beòthu's dabbling in pagan superstition, ranging from his wearing of their various charms to his association with druidesses (considered witches in Christian lands), his battlefield successes against the Norse pagans and him still being at least a nominal Christian himself earned him fame as a champion of Celtic Christianity against the Vikings as far as Lundéne in the next year. Áleifr and Óttar, meanwhile, swore revenge and awaited reinforcements from their people across the sea to realize that ambition.

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Map Beòthu of Cé marshals his fellow Picts for a forceful assault on the Norse shield-wall at the climax of the Battle of Druim Uachdair

Alas the same could not be said of the Irish, for the Vikings of Dyflin enjoyed greater success in their efforts to expand than their kindred on the Isles had this year. Dyflin itself did not expand its borders further outward at the expense of the native Gaels, but Norsemen from there sailed to establish new settlements at Veisafjǫrðr[15] and Veðrafjǫrðr[16], which resisted the respective efforts of the Irishmen of Laigin and Mhumhain to drive them back into the sea. Both towns would soon become infamous, not just in Ireland itself but also on Great Britain, as the first 'longphorts' – bases for additional Viking raids throughout the British Isles and markets for whatever plunder they brought back from their reaving expeditions, including slaves, second in size and importance only to great Dyflin itself. On a slightly less violent note, a different band of Vikings (also from Dyflin, but unaffiliated with the founders of those longphorts) was hired by the monks & townsfolk of Corcaigh to defend them from hostile Norsemen late in this year, and did a good enough job of that to demonstrate that it was still possible for the Norse and Irish to co-exist or even work together.

855 brought with it additional developments in Italy's internal dynamics and balance of power. In order to develop a counterweight to the growing power and faster-growing wealth of the Italian cities, of which Venice was clearly the strongest and most independent-minded while others like Pisa and Ancona were hoping to catch up, Aloysius turned to the Italo-Gothic nobility of the northeast. The Amalings' legitimate male line had died out two centuries ago, crushed by the first Aloysius (ironically in alliance with the first Lesser Stilichians then) at the conclusion of the increasingly deadly power struggle between the Blues & the Greens in what was only his first big step towards the purple; however, they left descendants in the female line or through their bastard spawn, and no small number of lesser Ostrogothic clans had survived the fallout of their final defeat at Romano-Frankish as well. As their 'Gothia' was perfectly situated to protect Ravenna, constrain Venice's ambitions and even keep an eye on the South Slavs all at once, it seemed only logical for the Emperor to set aside any historical animosities which might still linger between his house & theirs in favor of cultivating ties with them.

That was precisely what the third Aloysius did in this year, issuing a slew of high hereditary honors and attached estates to the great houses of Gothia in addition to promoting their junior kindred throughout the legions. The greatest of these houses were given the greatest and most dangerous responsibilities on the front-line with the powers they were supposed to be guarding against. It was for the benefit of the Della Bella, descendants of the third-to-last Ostrogoth king Theodoric II in the female line, that Aloysius established the Duchy of Friuli – so named after the contraction of Forum Iulii (itself now popularly called 'Zividât' or 'Cividale') in the Got[17] tongue spoken by the locals of that part of Italy. And to the Della Grazia, a house founded by the natural son of the last Ostrogoth king (Theodoric II's grandson) Theodahad II and his Italo-Roman mistress, the Augustus Imperator bequeathed the dignity of Duke of Padua, which the local Italians now called Padova; the Italo-Goths named Padue in their own tongue; and to the Church was properly called Patavium.

These two houses promptly cultivated strong relationships with the nearest great ecclesiastical authorities, respectively the Bishops of Aquileia[18] and Ravenna, to further buttress their own power and make their duty easier. Some lesser Italo-Gothic houses of a noble but non-royal lineage were also elevated to the comital rank: these included the Capuletti (Counts of Verona), the Ermanarici (Counts of Mantua) and the Ezzelini (Counts of Vicenza). The Venetians correctly identified the elevation of the Italo-Gothic nobility as an intended check on their growing might & ambitions by their overlord, but while they may have resented such developments, there was not a whole lot they could do to avert the determined will of the Emperor right now. The Doges and their councils hoped to undermine this new network of foes by subtle intrigue and the simple passage of time, betting that the Italo-Goths' own familial rivalries and conflicting interests over territory would cause any common front to fall apart without too much prodding. Moreover, it was also of great importance to Venice that no great anti-Venetian alliance between the Italo-Goths and the South Slavs should be allowed to form organically. Conversely Aloysius was well aware that Venice's continued existence would serve as a check on the loftier ambitions of the Italo-Gothic nobles, like restoring the lost patrimony of the Amalings, so everything balanced out and would hopefully stay that way for centuries to come.

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Teodato (Got.: Thiudahad) della Grazia, 1st Duke of Padua, and his retinue, attired in a nigh-identical manner to other high-ranking Roman officers. The Ostrogoths may have faded away long ago, but their descendants still lingered in northeastern Italy, and now form a new peninsular power bloc in addition to the civil Senatorial aristocracy of Rome, the Church and the rising cities

While the Romans simultaneously smiled at and intrigued against one another, yet more Norsemen were engaged in the hard honest work of settling the icy wastes northwest of the continent. With Pictland having successfully resisted Viking invasion this time, quite a few of those Norsemen who otherwise would have been inclined to settle on that northern third of Great Britain moved to Iceland instead, accelerating the pace at which the Norse were seizing control of the island from the few Irish Papar who were still inclined to stay. Flare-ups of hostility between the earlier, mostly Norwegian settlers and the Danish exiles who constituted the bulk of this later wave of migration over the choice bits of arable land available, as well as competition over the rights to resources (such as walrus ivory, which would be traded as a substitute for elephant ivory at a high price), drove those Danes to move along to Greater Paparia, however.

Thus 855 marked the first year in which the Norse started settling the larger, westerly isle, which the first settlers advertised to their compatriots as 'Grœnland' – Greenland. Such advertisements were false, since only scant territories around the island's southern fjords proved livable for the Norsemen. And while they did on occasion traverse the western coast to hunt for whales, narwhals, walruses and polar bears, the icy heart of this not-so-green-land presented an insurmountable barrier to even the most intrepid of Norse adventurers: a factor which also kept them from making early contact with the Wildermen living along the far northwestern coast of Greenland. As the Icelanders had done in the east, the Greenland Norse also repaid the existing Papar's attempts to find peaceful coexistence with harassment and demands for tribute, increasingly driving those Irish hermits to abandon their 'Greater Paparia' and either return home or sail for Tír na Beannachtaí. There they gave advance warning of the Norsemen to the Irishmen of the New World, whose homes were sure to be targeted as the next logical destination for any Viking dissatisfied with life on Iceland or Greenland.

Away from the Europeans already settled on the soil of that New World, the men of Dakaruniku began to tread the warpath once more in 855. Naahnísídakúsu had spent the past few years not only consolidating his newfound power, but also expanding the ranks of his army by inducting the new generation of Dakarunikuans as warriors, and now he sought to turn all those consolidated resources outward. Rather than immediately renew hostilities with the Three Fires tribes however, he directed his expansionary efforts downriver, striking at softer targets in the form of the smaller and less organized tribes to the south. Quickly showing himself to be less bloodthirsty but no less cunning than his father, Naahnísídakúsu demonstrated a preference for compelling the surrender of existing towns and incorporating their people as vassals of the growing confederacy centered on Dakaruniku rather than just killing all their men, enslaving the women & children, and establishing a new colony of Dakarunikuans on the ruins: this policy he first demonstrated to great effect by procuring the bloodless surrender of the large town of Kadoruhkuk[19]. The fact that his warband usually outnumbered the locals, and were armed with gleaming iron weapons to boot, invariably helped make his arguments in favor of quick submission more persuasive.

Critically, Naahnísídakúsu was responsible for not merely politically integrating the downriver Míssissépené tribes as subjects of Dakaruniku, but also for integrating their manpower into his army. Kádaráš-rahbád had trusted nobody but fellow Dakarunikuans with weapons, and thus the city's army had remained quite small (if also exceedingly deadly, well out of proportion with their limited numbers, thanks to their superior iron weaponry) under his command. Not so with Naahnísídakúsu, who was willing to give the warriors of other tribes a chance to earn glory and loot under his banner so long as they followed his orders, and to disperse the advanced technologies his people had been picking up from contact with the Britons outside of Dakaruniku. It was his lifetime ambition to forge an empire which stretched from the confluence of the Míssissépe upon which Dakaruniku stood to wherever its mouth might be, and this massive expansion of the manpower pool available to him constituted a big step on the road to realizing that dream.

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Naahnísídakúsu conversing with some of his new subjects on the mounds of Kadoruhkuk. This new king did not overly enjoy bloodshed for its own sake, unlike his father, and sought to capture towns intact & integrate their people into his own (certainly including the ranks of his army) with a minimum of bloodshed wherever possible

====================================================================================

[1] Suez.

[2] Now part of Cairo.

[3] Cres.

[4] Krk.

[5] Trogir.

[6] Split, Croatia.

[7] Zara.

[8] Ben Klibreck.

[9] Øresund – 'The Sound'.

[10] Staraya Russa.

[11] Perth.

[12] Scone.

[13] Dornoch.

[14] Drumochter.

[15] Wexford.

[16] Waterford.

[17] 'Gothic' – taking the place of (and covering a slightly larger area than) Friulian, this would be the descendant of the Vulgar Latin dialect spoken in much of the mainland Veneto & Friuli regions, heavily influenced by not only German/(Ostro-)Gothic but also Italian and Carantanian/Slovene. Having more in common with Ladin and Romansh than other northern Italian dialects, it can be said to form a Rhaeto-Romance language family with the former two, as RL Friulian does.

[18] Historically Aquileia's bishops elevated themselves to patriarchal rank with Lombard protection and gained recognition as such in the Catholic hierarchy in the 553-698 Schism of the Three Chapters, but obviously that hasn't and couldn't have happened ITL since the schism itself didn't come to be and the Lombards never got anywhere near Italy.

[19] Cape Girardeau, Missouri.
 
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PsihoKekec

Swashbuckling Accountant
The new king of Dakaruniku is just the kind of ruler the kingdom needed, if he was as bloodthirsty as his father, the kingdom would enter the downward spiral and if he was too soft (not bloody likely given the circumstances) it would shatter.


Venetians seized this chance to petition the Augustus Imperator for the right to form a confederal league with those Dalmatian cities friendly to them

That is bound to escalate to warfare amongst Emperor's subjects at some point.
 

ATP

Well-known member
The new king of Dakaruniku is just the kind of ruler the kingdom needed, if he was as bloodthirsty as his father, the kingdom would enter the downward spiral and if he was too soft (not bloody likely given the circumstances) it would shatter.




That is bound to escalate to warfare amongst Emperor's subjects at some point.
He is doing what Ottomans did in OTL - do not fight strong enemies/mongols/ ,but conqer weak/ERE/
Later,when they consolidated,they could create Empire.

In Future i see America ruled by Dakaruniku and Vikings,with few surviving brits and irish in remote places.
Especially,when Dukuruniku finally get to Toltecs,which should be maybe not easy victim,but certainly not somebody who could win.
Unless Berbers come finally to Carribean.

Yes,that should be something like that:
1.Berbers on South
2.Dakaruniku in centrum
3.Vikings in the North.

With some british and irish survivors.

@Circle of Willis ,in OTL early Poland and Czech get most money from furs and wood,but also slaves.
Here,it could happen again - but,becouse slavic people were arleady christianed,vikings should take over slave trade.

In OTL in Poland,slavery vanished after some 150 years - here it should be the same.
 

gral

Well-known member
Notes 8, 9 and 10 are duplicated - they first appear in the Venice & Adriatic section, then reappear in the Norse & Picts sections.

Looks like the germ for the future fragmentation of the Italian Peninsula is sown.
 

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
@gral Thanks, I've gone back & edited the chapter. I was originally going to add footnotes for the last few Dalmatian cities but decided against it since I realized I already gave Ragusa/Dubrovnik & Cattaro/Kotor notes ages ago, just forgot to remove them on my last reading.

There is little I can say without overly spoiling future developments, but rest assured that Dakaruniku's expansion will be picking up steam in the coming decades and that the increasingly tangled webs in Italy will definitely be another factor entering play in the simmering Aloysian-Stilichian conflict in the background. Other than that, on a meta note I must also warn that as assignments are starting to pile up this time of the year, there will probably be more time passing between chapters until mid-December & the winter break, although I still am hoping to hit the 3-4 chapters per month target.
 

ATP

Well-known member
@gral Thanks, I've gone back & edited the chapter. I was originally going to add footnotes for the last few Dalmatian cities but decided against it since I realized I already gave Ragusa/Dubrovnik & Cattaro/Kotor notes ages ago, just forgot to remove them on my last reading.

There is little I can say without overly spoiling future developments, but rest assured that Dakaruniku's expansion will be picking up steam in the coming decades and that the increasingly tangled webs in Italy will definitely be another factor entering play in the simmering Aloysian-Stilichian conflict in the background. Other than that, on a meta note I must also warn that as assignments are starting to pile up this time of the year, there will probably be more time passing between chapters until mid-December & the winter break, although I still am hoping to hit the 3-4 chapters per month target.
Thanks.Take your time,RL is always more important.
Aside from that - I think,that viking grabbing irish territories -both in Ireland and America - is only temporarly,becouse HRE and its allies would "liberate" them later.

So,in America after,let say,500 years we would have Berbers/Dakaruniku/Vikings/irish under HRE protectorate.
only poor pelagian brits would vanish.Or almost vanish.

P.S to made it more interesting,you could made some American megafauna,like Mastodons,Smilodons,great bears and terror birds still alive.
Or domesticated Bigfoot? it could serve as mobile ballista !
 

shangrila

Well-known member
Setting cities as a counterweight to large landholders is honestly a good thing for Imperial interests . . . as long as it doesn't get to the point of the Lombard League*, and is worth spreading outside Italy. Large landholders were the worst for Imperial interests from Diocletian right down to the Palaiologi, as their autarkic estates are able to resist taxation and reduce the population to slaves or serfs that aren't available for military service. As long as Imperial authority doesn't collapse, cities can't resist taxation nearly as easily, and guildsmen are excellent sources of military manpower, the historical Kingdom of France depended heavily on guild infantry to back their knights.

Devolving and reducing the administration of the Imperial bureaucracy is really just rolling back the environment that historically favored large landholders. All the crushing bureaucracy of the Dominate did eventually was forcing all landholdings and economic activity in general into the hands of the only people able to resist the bureaucrats, i.e. the large landholders in autarkic estates, and thus ironically out of the control of the bureaucracy in a full blown example of Princess Leia's quote about the more you tighten your grip, the more slips through your fingers. We even see the exact same pattern today as increasingly onerous bureaucratic demands force small farmers to sell to the corporate agribusinesses that can afford the lawyers on permanent retainer to fight off the Interior, EPA, and F&W.

*And so the Venetian experiment is the big hot potato for the future. Free Cities were a valuable tool of Imperial authority, as long as they need the protection of the Emperors to hold off the territorial princes. Leagues that let them do that independent of the Emperors undoes that.
 
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ATP

Well-known member
Setting cities as a counterweight to large landholders is honestly a good thing for Imperial interests . . . as long as it doesn't get to the point of the Lombard League*, and is worth spreading outside Italy. Large landholders were the worst for Imperial interests from Diocletian right down to the Palaiologi, as their autarkic estates are able to resist taxation and reduce the population to slaves or serfs that aren't available for military service. As long as Imperial authority doesn't collapse, cities can't resist taxation nearly as easily, and guildsmen are excellent sources of military manpower, the historical Kingdom of France depended heavily on guild infantry to back their knights.

Devolving and reducing the administration of the Imperial bureaucracy is really just rolling back the environment that historically favored large landholders. All the crushing bureaucracy of the Dominate did eventually was forcing all landholdings and economic activity in general into the hands of the only people able to resist the bureaucrats, i.e. the large landholders in autarkic estates, and thus ironically out of the control of the bureaucracy in a full blown example of Princess Leia's quote about the more you tighten your grip, the more slips through your fingers. We even see the exact same pattern today as increasingly onerous bureaucratic demands force small farmers to sell to the corporate agribusinesses that can afford the lawyers on permanent retainer to fight off the Interior, EPA, and F&W.

*And so the Venetian experiment is the big hot potato for the future. Free Cities were a valuable tool of Imperial authority, as long as they need the protection of the Emperors to hold off the territorial princes. Leagues that let them do that independent of the Emperors undoes that.
All true,according here it is unlikely that Doges would sack Constantinopole,no matter how strong they become.
Large landlords - true.
City militias - at least in Poland they tend to send their rejects to fight,not best troops.
And,in Italy they were good till internal fighting made them weak,except crossbowmens.

@Circle of Willis ,since in Italy they invented Bardiche as infrantry weapons/which later was sell to Moscov and become popular there/
You could made it real here,too - i read in polish memories/Jan Chryzostom Pasek/ ,then moscovite with Bardiche could cut down light horseman in two - with his horse.

Bardiche - https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjk8Jr5tdeBAxWFIBAIHbHnDZIQFnoECBkQAQ&url=https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bardiche&usg=AOvVaw2-a9xvU94QWfp0PxYHXuSU&opi=89978449

And,most important - when both Amleth and Map beothu of ce kill their respective Kings,they should hire some bard to made songs about their deeds.

How choose best bard for Amleth? - dude who Sheak Spears best !
 
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856-860: The Road Back To War

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
While the 850s might have generally been a time of peace & quiet within the Holy Roman Empire, it did not necessarily remain as such in the whole of Christendom, as events east of Rome would demonstrate in 856. As they no longer had to fear the threat of the Khazars rolling in to burn down their homes and carry off their families the moment they let their guard down, the Poles and Ruthenians chose this moment to begin acting on the rivalry which had naturally arisen along their shared border, precipitated by the majority of the tribal elders & princes of the Volhynians electing to join the latter's kingdom. Grand Prince Lev II was most happy to incorporate this new addition to the nascent Ruthenian state, but in Poland Bożydar was long dead and his young & aggressive great-grandson Siemowit now held power: this new king promptly seized the chance to absorb the westernmost Volhynian tribes & towns which had already cultivated strong trading & cultural ties with their own kingdom, right as the Ruthenians were starting to organize their new territory into pogosts (traditional territorial districts).

Obviously the Ruthenians did not approve, and prepared to make a push into Polish-occupied Volhynia. Far from backing down or even offering just to hang on to those parts of Volhynia which welcomed Polish rule, Siemowit made his own preparations for war, waiting for the Ruthenians make the first move only so that he'd have an excuse to fight for the entirety of Volhynia. Efforts by Aloysius III to mediate the dispute went nowhere, not even with Siemowit (despite the two being distant cousins since the latter's great-grandmother was the Aloysian princess Scantilla), since neither side was all that interested in avoiding hostilities and he could no longer use the specter of the Khazar threat to scare them back into line. Lev launched his attack in the summer of this year, sacking a few Polish-Volhynian towns and defeating the border wojewoda (Old Slavic: voivod, military commander) Pakosław z Chełm when the latter led the first Polish defensive effort against him at the Battle of Luchesk[1]. However, this first Polish warband accomplished its goal of buying their hot-blooded king enough time to finish raising his main force, with which he engaged the Ruthenians and put them to flight in the subsequent Battle of Horodło.

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A Polish spearman clashes with a Varangian mercenary in Ruthenian service. While both kingdoms would develop renowned cavalry traditions, in the mid-ninth century their armies were still infantry-centric, disorderly compared to the Roman legions or even most federate hosts, and well suited for combat in the mostly untamed woodland and marshes which they were fighting over

Further to the east, a new power was rising among the Turks of the steppes. The Pechenegs, who had first entered the historical record as one of the many Oghuz Turkic tribes to revolt against Khazar overlordship following the death of Isaac Khagan, had by now grown strong enough – at eight tribes, further subdivided into forty clans – to break away from their fellow Oghuz Turks and increasingly threaten their former overlords' core territories on the northern shore of the Caspian Sea. For some years now they had been raiding the Khazars for cattle, sheep & other wares, but in 856 these Pechenegs mounted their first serious probing attack against Khazaria, for Çelgil Khan now wished to see whether the structure of the latter had rotted to the point where a good hard kick at their front door could bring it all tumbling down. However Josiah Khagan sorely disappointed his new rival in the Battle of the Ryn[2], where he surprised most observers and proved that the Khazars still had some life in them after all by scoring a victory against the numerically superior Pecheneg horde.

Çelgil Khan was not the only man testing his foe this year. As more than ten years had now passed since his father's defeat at the hands of a loose Christian-Hindu coalition, Caliph Ahmad decided this would be a good time to start probing and softening up the Romans' border defenses in preparation for a war of reconquest aimed at northern Phoenicia and Mesopotamia. The Arabs did not commit to anything resembling a real invasion yet, and down south the limited forces they did commit were swiftly beaten back by the Greco-Roman legions operating out of Antioch & Tripolis[3] ('Tarabulus' to the Arabs). However, the ghazw who raided up north achieved greater success, laying waste to most lands around Edessa and overcoming the fortifications of Tel-Bshir[4] before being driven back over the border by Armenian reinforcements. Ahmad stoically bore the inevitable reprisal raids conducted by said Armenians, Greek akritai and the Ghassanids: as it seemed to him now that the aforementioned Ghassanids were on their last legs, having been saved by increasingly narrow margins in the last few rounds of Roman-Arab conflicts and now failing to muster a strong response to his raids this time around, evidently his raiders had successfully scouted a weak point in the Roman defense and he just had to strategize around that information.

On the other side of Europe away from the Mediterranean, the sons of Ráðbarðr continued to make a name for themselves. In this year it was time for the second and fourth sons, Flóki the Fearless and Steinn the Strong, to shine: they fought in support of their uncle Grimr, who had assembled a band of adventurers on his quest to seize control of Hálogaland, the remote northern part of Norway from which their family hailed. Grimr had married the daughter of Botulfr, the great jarl of Tjøtta, and through her managed to assert rulership over that town, but this could not possibly sate his ambition and – inspired to further elevate himself by word of his elder brother's travels – he waged war against his neighbors, an assortment of jarls and petty kings who all claimed descent from the fire giant Logi and thus were collectively referred to as the 'Logissons' or 'Sons of Fire'.

According to legend, Logi himself came to be the founding king of Hálogaland by no claim greater than his own strength, so to Grimr, it was fine to seize the patrimony he had left to his children by right of conquest. In that regard his nephews proved most helpful, as Flóki's risky but unfailing strategems coupled with the bullish strength of Steinn proved a formidable combination to put at the head of his warband, and by the end of 856 they had made their uncle master of the neighboring jarldoms of Torgar, Sandnes and Rødøy. Grimr, having been one of the many Vikings to answer the call of Ørvendil and witnessed the overwhelming power of Rome firsthand, applied the brutal lessons he had learned on the continent against his regional rivals: when Sandnes spurned his demand to yield and forced him to storm its palisades, he destroyed the town, enslaved most of its populace and massacred the fighting men, elderly and sick to send a message to any other Hálogalanders who might think of resisting his advance. This atrocity earned him the nickname 'Garmrson', implying his true father was the brutal hell-hound of Norse myth, which he then adopted without a trace of irony to further intimidate anyone who might cross him.

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A battle in a fjord between Grimr Garmrson's warband and the men of Sandnes

857 opened with a personal tragedy for the Aloysian household, as Empress Euphrosyne died of complications less than a day after delivering the imperial couple's third child in Constantinople – a daughter hurriedly baptized Euphemia, who managed to beat the odds and pull through that dark night. The young Alexander Caesar and his twin Alexandra were inconsolable over the loss of their mother, while Aloysius III himself showed little outward grief as could have been expected from a man with his stern and stoic disposition, but even he was noted by his courtiers to be even more aloof and solemn than usual in the days and years which followed his first wife's demise; it would be a long time before he remarried. Still, the Emperor not only refused to allow himself to demonstrate too much sorrow over the loss of his consort but also would not allow his personal feelings to interfere with the demands of state, which in this year included shoring up his eastern defenses and continuing efforts to broker a peace between Poland & Ruthenia.

Having defeated the Ruthenians in the previous year, Siemowit of Poland spent this one pressing his advantage and proceeded to defeat Lev's forces again in the Battles of Budziatycze[5] and the Gniła Lipa[6] in-between dispatching a message of condolences to Trévere. The Ruthenians found their second wind after the latter engagement and drove the Poles back a ways at the Battle of Chortoryirsk[7], but while this victory enabled them to hold on to parts of southern & eastern Volhynia, their campaign to seize the whole of the region for themselves ended in failure when Siemowit ambushed their numerically superior army in a forest near the devastated village of Kowel[8], with poor coordination between the Rusovichi princes resulting in multiple contingents retreating without a fight and those who remained putting up a haphazard defensive effort against the Poles (who promptly crushed them in detail) at best. Lev II abdicated to a monastery in shame after this disaster and the Ruthenian nobility elected his son Mstislav to try to salvage the situation, which he did with another victory over the now-overconfident Poles in the Battle of Dubno.

By that point, winter's arrival compelled both sides to cease hostilities, and the losses that had been piling up also made both the Poles and Ruthenians more inclined to agree to the arbitration of a peace settlement by Christendom's nominal overlord Aloysius. Since it had become increasingly clear that neither could decisively rout the other out of the Volhynian territories in this round of fighting, the Augustus Imperator was able to argue for a partition – western Volhynia going to the Poles, and eastern Volhynia to the Ruthenians, an outcome which Siemowit favored and which counted as a Polish victory since he stood to gain precisely none of Volhynia at all before the beginning of his campaign. Naturally, Mstislav was rankled by these terms and considered the Emperor's settlement to be nothing more than a temporary ceasefire: he would be back for a second round once he'd rebuilt and expanded Ruthenia's military strength.

zad48wb.jpg

Siemowit, the brash young King of the Poles, surveys the Volhynian territories he's just won by the strength of his lance-arm

Over in Scandinavia, Flóki & Steinn's brothers Einarr & Gunnarr limped back from Britannia to join them early in 857, hoping to secure Hálogaland as a base for future (hopefully more successful) operations against the British Isles. With the assistance of these elder sons of Ráðbarðr and the few but immensely grizzled veterans of the British conflicts tagging along behind them, Grimr 'Garmrson' did rapidly overcome the resistance of the other Hálogalanders over the course of this year, and thereby unite the fjord-towns of this bitterly cold and fractious northern region before the snows began to fall again. It was at this point that dissension first began to stir among the house of Ráðbarðr: Grimr was still not satisfied with merely being King of Hálogaland and hoped to use the region as a springboard from which to conquer the rest of Norway, but his nephews hoped to carve out jarldoms and claim crowns either in Norway or Britain for themselves, and were not overly interested in further risking their lives & those of their warbands just to empower their uncle so greatly.

Before this familial dispute could escalate past words and to the point where uncle & nephew duked it out with ax, sword and spear, an outside event intervened to force both camps to unite once more – a great incursion by the Sámi tribes (called 'Fenni' by the Romans since the time of Tacitus, and 'Finns' or 'Laplanders' by the Norse) living in the hinterland of and even further north beyond Hálogaland, who sought to take advantage of the fallout of Grimr's wars to loot & pillage Norse towns for their own benefit. Quick thinking and a willingness to set their competing ambitions aside on the part of the Norse leadership allowed them to limit the damage from these Sámi raids, and this winter said raiders only managed to plunder the town of Bodø before being driven back in a series of bloody skirmishes in the snow. The Norse boasted of killing over two hundred Sámi raiders at the cost of twenty of theirs falling in battle (though probably more than that died later from wounds incurred in the fighting), but this victory could only paper over their lingering disagreements so much and a permanent solution would have to be hashed out while they feasted and made merry over their shared triumph.

Fv2DpGm.jpg

Flóki the Fearless, chief strategist among the sons of Ráðbarðr, stands triumphant over the Sámi raiders who tried to despoil his new conquests

East of both Rome and the Scandinavian peninsula, Çelgil Khan continued to plot the destruction of the Khazars. Josiah's doughty defense in the Battle of the Ryn had demonstrated to him that Khazaria was recovering from its catastrophic war of succession over the past few decades, and were not to be underestimated. Thus, in addition to marshaling new warriors for his host, the Pecheneg warlord also plotted to undermine the Khazar Khaganate from within by reaching out to non-Khazar elements of the confederacy dissatisfied with the reign of the Ashina. Of these malcontents, the Magyars stood out as having been the last and most reluctant of the rebel tribes to be beaten back into line by Josiah's faction in the aforementioned War of the Khazar Succession, and consequently proved most receptive to the idea of betraying their overlords when the Pechenegs should strike. With that scheme arranged, the Pechenegs ramped up their preparations for a full invasion of Khazaria, expecting the Magyars' backstabbing of the latter to really make this next campaign the ride-through-a-park that they thought their first foray against the Ashina would be.

While the end of the first recorded Polish-Ruthenian war may have restored peace to Christendom, 858 saw an escalation of hostilities along its periphery and elsewhere. The Norsemen of the Isles had waited for only a few years to pass after their earlier defeat before beginning to harass Pictland again, and this time they brought more friends – not from Scandinavia, but from Ireland, as Áleifr had formed an alliance with the Vikings of Dyflin which was sealed by the wedding of his son Óttar to Birgitta, the daughter of King Hroðgar Guðrøðrson and one of his local Irish concubines. Dungarth of Pictland thus now faced raids and probing attacks from not just the north & west but also the south, which served to keep the Picts off-balance and unable to finish recovering from their first serious bout with the Island Norse. This proceeded according to the plans of Áleifr, who hoped to soften the Picts up ahead of his inevitable second invasion some years down the line.

However the Picts could see such an attack coming, and were not about to sit idle and just take it. Dungarth worked on constructing his own anti-Norse alliance with the English and Irish, and while the distant court of Aloysius III might not worry in the slightest about the Norse Kingdom of the Isles – dismissing them as just a handful of savages living on some half-frozen rocks who can barely scratch Rome's northernmost periphery – he had more success in persuading the Anglo-Saxons to coordinate efforts in combating Norse raiders around the Firth of Forth with him, even inviting Englishmen to help him build some watch-towers along the Pictish side of that estuary. And across the Irish Sea, the Pictish king concluded an anti-Viking alliance with the Ulaid confederacy of northern Ireland, whose warlords pledged to march on Dyflin and drive the pagan foreigners back into the ocean as soon as they finished toppling the fading Uí Néill and seizing the High Kingship for themselves. There could be little doubt now that the next war between Norseman and Celt would be much larger in scale than their previous clashes, whenever it should come.

awknXpN.png

The Pictish and Irish (of Ulaid) leadership feasting together at a banquet

As for Scandinavia, while wintering in the aftermath of last year's Sámi raids, the Ráðbarðrsons and their uncle Grimr hashed out the terms for continued cooperation between their respective family branches. The former agreed to back the latter in his quest to become King of Norway, but in exchange the latter would firstly have to give those among his nephews who wished to stay their free choice of jarldom (albeit as his vassal), and secondly he would also devote Norway's resources to helping those nephews who didn't want to stay in Norway to carving out new Viking kingdoms of their own in Britannia. The Ráðbarðrsons insisted that this time would be different than the catastrophic blunder which Ørvendil of Denmark had gotten himself killed in and which Grimr was a first-hand witness to, since the British Isles laid on the periphery of the Roman world and couldn't possibly be all that important to the Emperors – Einarr and Gunnarr having learned from captive monks who specialized in the study of history that Rome had already abandoned Britain once. If their father should return, then he would rightfully become the High King over all the future Norse kingdoms to the west.

Now Grimr was more than a little skeptical of his nephews' calculations, but he would gladly tell them whatever they wanted to hear in exchange for their continued support and figured that since Norway didn't have a land border with the Holy Roman Empire (unlike Denmark), he would be a good deal safer from whatever retaliation the Aloysians might unleash than the hapless Claudius-Fjölnir had been. With this 'Settlement at Tjøtta' hammered out, the Norsemen of Hálogaland descended upon the other Norwegian petty-kingdoms as soon as the weather permitted it. Their first targets were neighboring Naumudalr[9] and Þrǿndalǫg[10], both of which were divided into numerous fractious statelets calling themselves jarldoms, fylki or smårike riven by their own ancient rivalries & grudges: these offered little effective resistance against Grimr's much more cohesive and experienced warbands, and often he found this-or-that petty-kingdom willing to actively join his cause to crush their rival neighbors, so this part of his campaign was by & large smooth sailing. The would-be King of Norway was far more concerned about the four greater southern Norwegian powers of Vestfold, Agðir[11], Rygjafylki[12] and Hǫrðaland[13] still standing in his way, all of which were real kingdoms in their own right and each of which was already stronger & wealthier than the myriad princelings of Naumudalr or Þrǿndalǫg combined. Icy and isolated Hálogaland made for a difficult start to his wars of conquest, and he would have to hope that his immensely strong and hardened warriors would be able to overcome the numerical & resource deficit he inevitably faced.

In China, with nearly twenty years having passed since the last Liang-Han war ended, the aged Dingzong & Duanzong felt confident enough in their rebuilt armies to begin maneuvering against one another again. Understanding that Pengcheng presented a clear and immediate threat to the integrity of their hold on northern China, the Later Liang began to amass forces for a pre-emptive strike against the True Han and sent forth units of mounted 'foragers' (mostly Uighur and Khitan mercenaries) to begin harassing the latter. The True Han could figure out what was coming fairly easily and undertook their own preparations, not only marshaling an army at Pengcheng with which to pre-empt the Liang's pre-emptive attack but also directing the Prince of Chu to raise a secondary striking force at Xiangyang, with which they would attack the Liang's western underbelly. The wily Dingzong persuaded the Khitans to take up arms against their pro-Han Jurchen neighbors once more, promising them aid, in order to keep his northern frontier clear. More than that, he had also made the final arrangements for his trump card to enter play against the True Han as soon as hostilities began…

Throughout 859, the Romans and Arabs continued preparing for the next round of fighting between their empires. On the Christian side, Aloysius moved to Constantinople for the year to ensure that he'd be able to respond quickly if war did break out soon and steadily ramped up his troop presence on the eastern border, while keeping a strong force of ten legions (approximately 10,000 men) back at Trévere under King Adalric's command to make absolutely certain that if the Norse tried anything around his capital again, he could swiftly and decisively shut them down. Efforts to rebuild the Belgic naval squadron also continued alongside the fortification of more sites on the northern shores of the Empire, the various castles lining the road to the imperial capital having proven they were worth every denarius in hindering and ultimately crippling the last Danish attack there. In the Orient, not only did the akritai and other border-reiver units from the Ghassanid kingdom and Armenia step up their harrying of Caliphal Syria & Al-Jazira, but the Cilician Bulgars also escalated their piratical activities – far from embarrassing themselves and their overlords, this time the more experienced pirates even boldly captured trading vessels within sight of Alexandria's harbor before racing off to safety.

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One of the 'Normans' gifted to Aloysius III by Claudius-Fjölnir, now employed among the akritai on the Islamic borderlands. Notably he's carrying an early teardrop shield, a design which the Normans will popularize to the point of replacing the older round shields in the coming decades & centuries

On the other side of the border, Ahmad's own ghazw raiders also increased the tempo of their attacks, launching extensive and frequent raids with the intent of driving all those rural villagers on Roman soil who they didn't kill or take away in chains into fortified towns & castles, their plan being to denude the Romans' supply stockpiles by forcing them to house & feed this glut of refugees. Their own pirates, operating out of ports stretching from the southern (still Saracen-controlled) half of Phoenicia to Egypt and Cyrenaica, lashed out at Christian shipping across the Mediterranean and launched reprisal raids as far as eastern Sicily to retaliate against the Bulgars' activities. A ways back from the front lines, the Caliph was combining corps of his elite ghilman warriors with those Arab tribesmen who he hadn't yet demilitarized and exotic mercenaries from as far as Sudan and Sindh into two large armies, one intended to tie up Roman forces in Antioch and the other to destroy the Ghassanids once & for all before moving into Armenia & Anatolia. This military buildup was a costly investment, especially since Ahmad decided that he needed to give both armies their own units of war elephants brought in all the way from Al-Hind, but the shadow of defeat still loomed large over his reign and all of his advisors had told him how badly he needed to dispel it if he was to cement his legacy as a true Caliph.

The western front was not the only one Ahmad needed to keep an eye on, of course. His father's last war had gone so poorly in part because Islamic forces were increasingly badly divided between two deteriorating fronts, and he did not intend to send his second army to fight in India instead of keeping them on their preplanned course against the Roman world. To that end, Ahmad surprised just about everyone in the higher echelons of the Caliphate by opening talks with the Indian and Indo-Roman kings in hopes of buying peace with them for the foreseeable future. As it so happened, the Salankayanas and Chandras were both still in the process of digesting and rebuilding the swathes of territory they had recaptured from Alid hands previously, so they were quite happy to accept the Caliph's monetary gifts and enter the Dar al-Sulh or 'House of Truce', especially since the Arab end of their non-aggression pacts required the Alids to completely cease raiding Indian lands for years to come.

Ahmad's Alid kindred were outraged at such a requirement, but he responded by both pointing out that they weren't exactly back up to full strength themselves and by assuring them that the time for another war with the 'pagans' of Hind would come, just…not now, or probably any time soon. The Indo-Romans were not as willing to accept payoffs from the Caliph's treasuries, nor assurances that they knew were unlikely to last past the next decade (or even a few years if they're being especially pessimistic), and so posed a different question with a different answer. The Caliph ended up giving the Alid governors of Sistan, as the region which incorporated large parts of southeastern Persia and Islamic Afghanistan was known, money with which to build new strategically-positioned forts and repair old ones to keep watch over the mountain passes & valleys: in so doing, he hoped to both appease his increasingly resentful kinsmen and deter the Indo-Romans from trying anything funny while his eyes were fixed on their larger and much more powerful cousins to the west.

Up north beyond the Caucasus Mountains, the Magyar-Pecheneg plot was exposed to Josiah Khagan by Elek, a prince of the Keszi tribe who hoped that this act of treachery would gain him Khazar backing to take the tribe's throne from his brother Gaszi. Josiah did promise him that much, but first the Khazars had to move against their treacherous vassal – this time, the Khagan intended to show no mercy and struck with a sudden and brutal fury, eradicating hundreds of Magyars and taking their herds before the latter could even begin to mount a response. The kende or spiritual leader of the Magyar confederacy, Elemér of the Gyarmat tribe, was lured into a meeting with Josiah under false friendly pretenses, captured and tortured until he admitted to the conspiracy, at which point he was executed and his head borne as a macabre battle-standard against the rest of his people. The Magyars' gyula or supreme warchief, a man of the Megyer tribe who was coincidentally named Attila, rallied what men he could find to first ambush and slaughter the Khazar raiding party coming for his head, then reached out to other survivors to wage a desperate war of survival: but the odds the Magyars were facing at this point were not looking good, to say the least.

As he closed in on the Magyar homeland, known even to the Romans as 'Magna Hungaria'[14], Josiah Khagan had taken the additional step of positioning pickets of sentries to intercept any riders the Magyars might try to send to their Pecheneg allies, which greatly helped hinder communications between the two and delayed a Pecheneg response by weeks or even months. By the time Çelgil Khan finally learned of what had happened, no small number of Magyars were already dead, including Elemér. Evidently deciding that the cat was out of the bag and that they'd best strike while the Khazars were still distracted rather than wait for Josiah to finish the Magyars off before inevitably turning his wrath against them, the Pechenegs scrambled into action, launching an invasion into Khazaria's eastern flank. A race was now on to determine whether the Khazars could destroy the Magyars before the Pechenegs rode to their rescue.

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Josiah Khagan in his prime, attired for battle with the treasonous Magyars. The difficulties of his reign meant he couldn't afford armor as ornate as that of his forefathers, but as he would prove on the battlefield, what he had on hand was still good enough

860 marked the start of a new decade, and new wars. The first erupted between the Holy Roman Empire and the Hashemite Caliphate anew, with Ahmad interpreting news of the passing of Aloysius' former father-in-law (and long-running nemesis to the Islamic armies) Michael Skleros as the sign to proceed with his invasion plans. The Emperor barely had time to appoint Skleros' eldest son and the uncle of his children, Demetrios Skleros, as the next Praetorian Prefect of the Orient before he had to leave Constantinople to assume command of his easternmost legions. Aloysius would set out accompanied by his other brother-in-law Andronikos Skleros, curopalates[15] (chief palace official or majordomo) of the Great Palace of Constantinople, as his new chief general on the eastern front (recommended by the late Michael himself) as well as his own heir Alexander Caesar, now aged eleven and thus old enough to squire for his aforementioned second uncle.

By the time Aloysius arrived in Antioch, the Muslim push was well underway. Their generalissimo Al-Khorasani did not take to the field himself, but sent forth the planned and built-up Islamic armies under the command of two highly trusted subordinates: Abu'l-Fath al-Jannabi, a ghulam commander of Persian and Turkic descent, would lead the thrust against Antioch while Al-'Awwam al-Turani, an Oghuz Turk by birth, was put in charge of the drive against the Ghassanids. Both generals acted quickly, with Al-Jannabi pushing toward Antaradus[16] and besieging Laodicea-in-Syria to sever Antioch from Roman Phoenicia while Al-Turani defeated the Ghassanid army (as well as some supporting cavalry cohorts from Antioch and Greek akritai contingents) in the Battle of Batnae[17], then harrying King Al-Ayham II's retreat before ultimately besieging him and his remaining forces in Edessa. In every engagement, the Saracens notably placed their Arab contingents at the forefront of their armies – ostensibly for use as skirmishers and/or to give them the honor of being the first to kill infidels, but probably with the hidden motive of eliminating troops considered less useful & reliable than the elite ghilman by Ahmad – in addition to, of course, using their war elephants as effective shock weapons.

Aloysius III adapted quickly to the circumstances on the ground. In accordance with Roman military doctrine, he commissioned the assembly of the mobile carroballistae artillery in Antioch for anti-elephant and anti-personnel usage on the battlefield, and concentrated his first serious counter-move in the east to shore up the faltering Ghassanids. Throughout late summer and the fall, Roman and federate forces moved to root the Saracens out of the Upper Mesopotamian, southern Armenian and southeastern Anatolian countryside where ghazw had been busy raiding for everything that wasn't nailed down and torching anything that was, and ultimately converged upon Edessa in force when their supply lines were no longer under threat by Islamic horsemen operating behind the nominal front lines. Al-Turani was defeated in battle with the Emperor's host near the city and duly retreated rather than risk getting his army wiped out, terminating the siege.

In the south, while Andronikos the Curopalate was unable to immediately drive Al-Jannabi into retreat the way Aloysius had done to Turani, Venetian and Bulgar assistance resulting in a Roman victory in the Battle off Aradus[18] allowed them to keep supplying the various besieged towns & fortresses in Phoenicia through the year. This category certainly included Aradus itself, where many of the residents of nearby Antaradus had fled by boat ahead of their city's fall to the Muslims. Moreover, detachments of Saracen cavalry from Egypt and Cyrenaica pushed into Roman Libya under the direction of a third ghulam general, the Khazar and Circassian-blooded Yazid al-Shirvani: however these turned out to be raids meant to occupy the Africans, not the prelude to a true invasion, as the Caliphate's attention was still fixed on Syria & Mesopotamia. Thus far, the start of the war had not gone too badly for the Romans.

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The Saracens using their elephants to batter Antaradus' defenses

Up north, the gyula Attila had since been elevated to the rank of 'Grand Prince' or Nagyfejedelem over all the Magyars by an emergency assembly of his people's remaining tribal chieftains and elders, granting him absolute authority to do whatever he thought necessary to ensure their survival. Attila proceeded to take the intrepid and unexpected step of charging through the Khazar noose tightening around Magna Hungaria, leading his horde in a westward stampede fueled by the desperate fury that only came with the knowledge of one's imminent demise if they were to stay in their doomed homeland. Josiah Khagan apparently did not anticipate his rebellious subjects going on the offensive, and the Khazars failed to contain the Magyar rush as a consequence. Worse still, the Pechenegs had decided that the best way to relieve pressure on their allies (and to enrich themselves) would be to directly attack & sack Atil, which they promptly placed under siege.

Trusting that Atil's rebuilt defenses would hold, Josiah followed his instinct to keep pursuing the Magyars and keep them from uniting with the Pechenegs. He was soon proven correct, as indeed the Pechenegs were unable to breach the walls of Atil – repaired to their full strength by Jewish engineers, and even improved with a new moat and ramparts – and while Çelgil Khan was busy there, Josiah chased the Magyars all the way up to Khazaria's western border. In the furious skirmishes between the fleeing Magyars and their pursuers, Gaszi of the Keszi tribe did at least manage to fell his treacherous half-brother Elek, who had brought this ruin down upon their people in the first place (and who, frankly, Josiah would probably have assassinated if the Khazars had succeeded in destroying the Magyars).

Only when the Magyars made it onto Ruthenian soil did the Khazars stop chasing them: such a move put this desperate nomadic horde on a collision course with the Roman and Christian world, which suited Josiah fine, since throwing the Romans' northeastern frontier into chaos would also give him a chance to break off his tribute payments to the Holy Roman Empire without fear of (short-term, at least) consequence. Naturally, Grand Prince Mstislav of the Ruthenians was not happy to have this many unwelcome guests suddenly storming into his principality and while he was hoping to start his own first full war against the Poles, pushing the Magyars out of his neighborhood was an equally worthy endeavor in his view. In the meantime, Josiah set a watch on the western border and turned the bulk of his forces back eastward to finally relieve his capital from the threat of the upstart Pechenegs.

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Grand Prince Attila leads the Magyars westward. Pale shadow of the other Attila who sacked Rome and almost brought a premature end to the Stilichian lineage though he might be, he came to test the Christians all the same, and his name would still send a chill down most Romans' spines

Finally, over in China, Emperor Dingzong launched his own renewed war against the True Han. He began hostilities not with an invasion aimed at Pengcheng, as the Han generals had expected, but by activating his crowning achievement as an Emperor whose most powerful weapon to date had been subterfuge: the incitement of Liu Hu, the Prince of Chu, to revolt against his imperial cousin – and in so doing, trying to take the critical fortress-city of Xiangyang and its environs (most certainly including the western territories previously snatched from the Liang north of the Yangtze) out of play for the Han – in June of this year. This time Dingzong had sent twin sisters, Cheng Feng and Cheng Huang, to seduce this lesser Liu and persuade him that the Northern Emperor was willing to put him in control of southern China, on account of the seniority his branch of the Liu clan should have had over the True Han imperial lineage descended from Si Lifei and Liu Dan. Of course Liu Hu had been a fool to think that – there could only ever be one Emperor over All Under Heaven, after all – but the important thing for the Liang was that he actually believed the words of their Emperor's spies.

In any case, the betrayal of the Chu Liu cadet branch took Duanzong completely by surprise, and no sooner had he shifted his armies to react to the situation did Dingzong initiate his other sucker punch – a three-pronged offensive aimed at Pengcheng from the north, northwest and west, involving nearly 150,000 soldiers. The Liang moved quickly to overwhelm any possible Han response, a task made all the easier by their superiority in cavalry, and converged on their target more rapidly than the Han could have anticipated or prepared for (especially with this other distraction in the west). By the start of August, the Liang had indeed taken Pengcheng, but Dingzong wasn't done yet. He now threw his second-line troops into the fray, led by his own favored son and Prince of Liang Ma Jin, in order to sustain their momentum and push the Han back over the Yangtze, while directing a column of 30,000 under his general Fa Yan to support Liu Hu in crushing the Han loyalists still holding out around Xiangyang.

By the end of 860, the Liang offensive had proven to be a sweeping success, leaving the Han forces still north of the Yangtze pinned with their backs to the river or else frantically fleeing southward on boats. Meanhile Duanzong had narrowly avoided a heart attack after the breadth of the Liang assault sunk in, and was now hurriedly bringing his reserve armies up to the front on top of launching a conscription drive to raise more troops. Liu Yong, the Prince of Han, had managed to push the traitors out of Xiangyang itself after much confused but fierce street fighting and retain the strategically vital city on the middle Yangtze for his dynasty with the help of the faithful general Sun Bo, but Liu Hu secured its 'twin' Fancheng as his main base of operations and maneuvered to finish off the Han presence here with Fa Yan's help. Dingzong, meanwhile, gloated that it would be his rivals who needed to open dams and flood their own soil to stop him now, and further confidently predicted that by the same time next year, he would be feasting in the Han's palace in Jiankang.

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Cheng Feng, elder of the twins who seduced the Prince of Chu into betraying his kin. Dingzong had a great track record of finding beautiful and charming female spies to help him pull off upsets against his various enemies, and this time their espionage work resulted in one of the most successful surprise attacks in medieval Chinese history

====================================================================================

[1] Lutsk.

[2] The Ryn Desert, NW Kazakhstan.

[3] Tripoli, Lebanon.

[4] Gündoğan, Oğuzeli.

[5] Budiatychi.

[6] The Hynla Lypa River.

[7] Staryi Chortoryirsk.

[8] Kovel.

[9] Namdalen, central Norway.

[10] Trøndelag, central Norway.

[11] Agder, western Norway.

[12] Rogaland, western Norway.

[13] Hordaland, western Norway.

[14] Somewhere in the southern Urals, most likely modern Bashkortostan.

[15] Kouropalatēs in Greek – a very high-ranking title in the Byzantine Empire, often given out to close imperial relatives or friendly foreign princes from the early fifth century to the Comnenian period, although it survived as a lesser dignity into Palaeologan times.

[16] Tartus.

[17] Suruç.

[18] Arwad.
 

ATP

Well-known member
I would betray True Han for such lady,too!
Jokes aside -
1.China - notching would change in the end.
2.ERE/Caliphate - muslims would lost again,but not too much.
3.Peczengs - in OTL they never united,even when mongols come.Here,they could create united state for next 300-400 years.
4.Hungarians - in OTL most of them go against GreatMoravia and formed Hungary,when rest remained newr Don and was wiped out by mongols.Here - unless HRE gave them some muslim lands,they are doomed.
5.Norwegians - HRE would not let them take anytching in Britain,only result would be both brits and saxons there being more connected to HRE
6.Picts&irish7saxons vs vikings...notching would change,i quess.

But - i see many vikings going to America when they finally undarstandt,that HRE do not let them win anytching.

P.S Thanks for first polish-ruthenian war!
In OTL first polish state had standing army 3.900 strong thanks to selling slaves to jews.Here,it is not possible - so,slavic states would have no standing armies.
 
861-865: Irony Poisoning

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
The Romans spent 861 concentrating all their energies toward building on the previous year's successes and limiting the damage from their failures, completely ignoring goings-on to their north for the time being. Aloysius III led the primary imperial army forward from Edessa to push the Islamic general Al-Turani out of Christian Mesopotamia & back into Al-Jazira, and the Saracens duly turned to give battle near Harran early in this year. Al-Turani hoped to catch the Emperor by surprise with a sudden and ferocious counterattack, and indeed he managed to catch the Romans off-guard and break through their front line with his cavalry & elephants in the opening stages of the engagement. However, faithful Radovid duly led the Roman reserve in to stabilize the situation as he often had in the past, and the Romans' superior numbers eventually restored the upper hand to them, forcing Al-Turani to retreat again before his forces were enveloped and destroyed utterly.

The city of Harran bloodlessly yielded to Aloysius later that same evening, and to the Romans' amazement they found that not only had a healthy Christian community survived decades of Islamic occupation there, but so had the pagan worshipers of the Babylonian moon god Sin[1], described as 'Sabians' by the Muslims. From Harran, the Romans next proceeded onward to Ras al-Ayn, which Aloysius also captured. Rather than proceed any further into Islamic Al-Jazira however, at this point the Augustus Imperator unexpectedly left behind a garrison, then promptly changed course – a surprise and a disappointment to Al-Turani, who had received reinforcements at Nusaybin (formerly Nisibis) and was hoping to pull the Romans into another battle on more favorable terrain – and instead returned to Harran before driving southwestward, tearing through Al-Jannabi's rear lines in northern Syria on his way to Phoenicia to reunite with Andronikos Skleros.

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After surviving, even thriving, as late as the Sassanid & Eftal periods, the ancient Sumero-Babylonian religion entered its final eclipse in the brief Eastern Roman, chaotic Tegreg Turkic and ultimately Islamic periods of control over their homeland. Still, pockets of dogged believers like the cult of Sin-Nanna in Harran lingered like living fossils even in the ninth century

Now Al-Jannabi had previously divided his forces, leaving one division to guard his rear while he personally oversaw efforts to conquer the isolated Roman fortresses & towns in southern Phoenicia and a third division chased the refugees from Antaradus to their sanctuary on the island stronghold of Aradus. However, the continued dominance of the Roman fleet in these waters and news of the Emperor marching down upon him from the northeast – delivered by survivors of his northern army, which Aloysius smote at the Battle of Batnai[2] – compelled him to lift his siege of Tripolis and reunite his forces. However this was for naught, as the Islamic general also met with defeat in the Battle of Balanaea[3] and retreated to the east before he could be stomped flat between the imperial army and Skleros, leaving Aloysius with the task of rooting out his remaining garrisons in Phoenicia. The year thus ended with the Romans placing Antaradus back under siege, while Al-Turani did the same with Harran and the Saracens in general tried to come up with a new plan, their first offensive having been defeated across the board.

Up north, the Magyars brought much devastation upon the southern borderlands of Ruthenia, where (being mounted nomads) they held an insurmountable advantage over the East Slavs. Grand Prince Mstislav was wise enough not to engage them on these 'wild fields' where rampaging nomads had made long-term settled civilization nearly impossible, and instead allowed the latter-day Attila and his cohorts to become overconfident before luring them into battle on the much more defensible wood- and river-lands closer to Kyiv. In the so-called 'Battle of the Black Forest[4]', peasant foragers of the Ruthenian army managed to draw forward elements of the Magyar horde beneath the trees before getting completely annihilated, and their skirmish rapidly snowballed into a much larger engagement in which the Ruthenian shield-wall (reinforced by a contingent of Varangian mercenaries, including some of Ráðbarðr and Amleth's companions who stayed behind while they moved on) managed to hold out against Magyar cavalry charges – hindered by the terrain – before the Grand Prince himself surprised the enemy and drove Attila into retreat by leading his mounted druzhina (elite retainers) in a counterattack. Following this defeat, the Magyars retreated to the southern steppe and no longer attempted any large-scale incursions into the Ruthenians' core lands.

East of the Magyars and their struggles, their former Khazar overlords came to blows with the Pechenegs who sought to usurp them once more before the former's capital of Atil. In the furious battle which followed, the Khazars initially had the advantage, as the Jewish defenders of the city fired upon the Pecheneg host with wall-mounted mangonels while the Khazars themselves had the better of the initial exchange of arrows. The tide turned in favor of the more numerous Pechenegs when they managed to close in for melee combat under their Khan's personal direction, however, and the Khazars struggled in this stage of the great Battle of Atil even after their capital's garrison sallied forth to support Josiah in the field. As the ranks of his warriors threatened to buckle beneath the press of the furious Pecheneg warriors and their keen lances, the Khagan of the Khazars executed a daring gambit: he and his bodyguards rushed directly for Çelgil Khan, slaying the Pecheneg standard-bearer with his lance and crossing blades with the enemy king himself, before ultimately driving the latter into flight. The Pechenegs promptly lost heart at the sight of their Khan's cowardly act and retreated after him in disarray, terminating the Pecheneg offensive and sparking a campaign of brutal skirmishes in which the Khazars generally held the upper hand instead.

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Josiah Khagan giving chase to the fleeing Pechenegs after his victory in the Battle of Atil

Further still to the east, in China the True Han continued to struggle to hold on against their northern rival's overwhelmingly successful surprise attack. Xiangyang was placed under siege by Liu Hu and his new allies, but of course no encirclement of that key to southern China could ever be complete until and unless the Liang were able to take control of the River Yangtze itself, and so they began operations to do just that. Despite having successfully held the city against his treacherous kinsman's soldiers and in fact rooted said partisans out from within the walls, the Prince of Han nearly lost his nerve at news of Fancheng's fall and from beholding the odds being arrayed against him; in a moment of weakness he asked his father for authorization to withdraw southward, which Duanzong sternly refused and rebuked him for, instead ordering his heir to fight to the death for Xiangyang.

General Sun Bo reminded the Han crown prince of the importance of hanging on to Xiangyang at all costs, and eventually Liu Yong rebuilt the resolve to fight for this critical strongpoint, successfully directing naval efforts to prevent the Liang from establishing a blockade on the Yangtze while Sun led daring sorties to disrupt the enemy's attempts to build siege forts around the city on land. The True Han also began to stabilize their position further down the Yangtze's course later in the year, as General Fang Hong mounted a successful defense in the Battle of Gaoyou (on a battlefield that was largely bisected by the Grand Canal of the Later Han, no less) and won enough time for Duanzong to really start flooding the region with reinforcements ferried from south of the Yangtze. Thanks to their combined efforts, the True Han managed to retain a marginal presence north of the Yangtze's mouth by the end of 861: from there, Duanzong and Fang worked on the next step of their counterattack in the east, which was to widen their zone of control back towards Shouchun and the Huai.

The Romans started 862 off by storming Antaradus, Emperor Aloysius having determined that he needed to retake the city and purge northern Phoenicia of the Saracens quickly so that he can turn his attention to holding off whatever Al-Khorasani and his subordinates had planned next along an undivided front. Preparations for the assault were made in late 861 and early 862, and in late February of the latter year the signal was given for the Roman army to proceed with a combined land and sea (from Aradus) offensive against the Muslim-held city. The Swabian contingent provided by Adalric again proved their worth as heavy shock infantry here, being the first up the siege ladders & towers of the Romans' landward assault and wielding their formidable two-handed longswords to deadly effect in clearing Antaradus' walls of the Islamic defenders, and within a day (and after sustaining about a thousand casualties) Aloysius had his victory.

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A siege tower full of Alemanni long-swordsmen rumbles toward the walls of Antaradus, February 862

However, no sooner had the Romans recaptured Antaradus and the rest of northern Phoenicia did they get the bad news that Harran had surrendered to Al-Turani's army, marking yet another bloodless turn in that city's allegiance. From there, the Muslims worked to realize their new plan: a northward-focused offensive, with the ultimate objective of erasing the Ghassanids from the map once & for all and also getting a good blow or three in against the Armenians. Al-Turani used Harran as a base from which to target the lands around Edessa, evidently hoping to isolate the Ghassanid capital and force Al-Ayham to either flee his seat or risk dying to defend it once more, and his forces fanned out to capture towns as far as Germanicea Caesarea[5] while herding the rural Christian populations they encountered toward Edessa, though the Amanus Mountains prevented him from crossing into Cilician Bulgaria. Al-Jannabi, meanwhile, pushed up into Armenia and laid waste to lands as far as Lake Van's southern shore with his own host, while also ordering Islamic troops in Azerbaijan and Shirvan to launch raids into eastern Armenia & Georgia.

Elsewhere, as the Khazars chased the Pechenegs into the latter's territory, they were met by a delegation of Pecheneg notables. These men revealed to Josiah Khagan that they had killed Çelgil Khan for his folly and that his successor, Yeke Khan, was prepared to acknowledge the Khazars as the masters of the steppe once more. Josiah Khagan therefore gracefully desisted in his pursuit of the scattered Pecheneg host and accepted Yeke Khan as his vassal, thereby subordinating the Pechenegs to Khazar overlordship for the second time in exchange for the rights to a new and more fertile land than the home they just left. Conveniently, the western borderlands of Khazaria were open to settlement and would put this new vassal in conflict with the old, rebellious one.

Most importantly, the Khazar triumph of 859-862 bought them and their supremacy over the Pontic Steppe a new lease on life – truly Josiah Khagan had lived up to his namesake and brought about a renaissance in the fortunes of his people, which had seemed stuck in a downward spiral since the disastrous war of succession in which he took power in the first place, even if they had not (and probably would never) fully regain the lofty heights they had enjoyed under his grandfather. With the Romans and Muslims mired in a renewed round of their own deadly struggle, Josiah further took this opportunity to terminate his tribute payments to the Holy Roman Empire, confident that with all his troubles Aloysius III would also be unable to play the role Pharaoh Necho had to the Biblical Josiah of Judah. It was the way of the steppe for nomadic empires to be cast down by new, stronger hordes once their time was up, as had happened to the greater and more terrible Huns & Tegregs before the Khazars, and as would likely still happen to the Khazars themselves some other day: but, by Jehovah, it seemed that day would not come in the ninth century.

In Scandinavia, the eruption of hostilities between Rygjafylki and Hǫrðaland gave the ambitious Hálogalanders their opening for southward expansion. King Grimr concluded an alliance with Audbjörn the Red, ruler of Rygjafylki, to partition Hǫrðaland between themselves in exchange for his military support, and promptly descended upon the Hǫrðalanders with his smaller but highly experienced and well-armed forces. Together the allies achieved rapid and sweeping success against Hǫrðaland, which was otherwise too strong for either one of them alone to defeat quickly, and by the start of autumn that rival state's King Gudbrand Greycloak was on his last legs. The allied army swept said legs out from underneath him in the First Battle of Feðjar[6] on September 22, where he and another 700 Hǫrðalanders died mounting a last stand against the 4,000-strong combined army of Rygjafylki and Hálogaland. The men of Rygjafylki, being more numerous than those of Hálogaland, did most of the hard work and took the brunt of the casualties on that bloody day.

That evening should have been one of great celebration between the victorious allies, but Grimr and his nephews had other plans. In a scheme masterminded by Flóki the Fearless, the Hálogalanders greatly watered down their own wine so as to remain (relatively) sober and seemingly conceded all the best food, concubines and campsites to their allies (who greedily seized it all without a second thought, believing it was their due for carrying the alliance's weight in the final battle with Gudbrand Greycloak anyway), thus giving them an advantage when they sprang their sudden but inevitable betrayal upon the far more heavily inebriated men of Rygjafylki. The Second Battle of Feðjar lasted from midnight to sunrise of September 23, and ended with Audbjörn & the vast majority of his fighting men being killed while they were too drunk/asleep to properly resist. Grimr was thus able to annex two of the four major petty-kingdoms of southern Norway in one cunning stroke, at the cost of the remaining two – Vestfold and Agðir – immediately allying against him and most certainly swearing off any possibility of negotiating with Hálogaland in good faith.

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Grimr and Flóki leading the night attack on their one-time allies from Rygjafylki

Over in China, Fang Hong spent much of this year striving to push the Liang back toward the Huai, and initially seemed to find much success in doing so. However, this was part of another ruse on the part of Dingzong and his generals, who allowed the True Han's eastern armies to get within striking distance of Shouzhou before springing their trap to envelop and hopefully destroy said forces away from the Yangtze (and thus, any realistic hope of the True Han reinforcing them) so as to clear the path to Jiankang. The Liang's superiority in cavalry gave them the victory in the resulting Shouzhou Campaign and also hope of cutting off Fang's retreat, but they failed to completely seal the trap due to a mixture of overconfidence and some skullduggery on the part of the True Han themselves, who bribed a contingent of Uyghur mercenaries to defect and open up a route for Fang to fall back southward through. Thanks to this turn of fortune, the Han were able to survive another day and retreat over the Yangtze with enough forces to protect Jiankang & rebuff the Liang's efforts to cross after them, although they did certainly lose their remaining holdings beyond that river (save Xiangyang) as a consequence.

Come 863, the Magyars' situation on the western edges of the Pontic Steppe approached rock bottom, on account of them having been rebuffed by the Ruthenians and now coming under harassment by the newly-arrived Pechenegs to their east. In desperation, Grand Prince Attila decided the tribes had to move south and secure for themselves the fertile grasslands beyond the towering Carpathian Mountains if they were to survive, even if it meant challenging the Roman juggernaut. Thus this year brought with it the first Magyar raids on Roman (specifically Dacian) soil as an independent force, rather than a mere contingent of the greater Khazar horde. Dacian villagers in the countryside retreated to the fortified churches & towns of their militarized frontier rather than face this new wave of furiously desperate and hungry nomads in the field, and the raids furthermore most certainly created a poor first impression of the newcomers in the mind of Duke Murí (Lat.: 'Mauricius') d'Elaune[7], the British commander of those Danubian legions not taken to the Middle East by Aloysius. Thus when Attila attempted to negotiate with Murí for settlement rights, hoping that his raids would have intimidated the Romans into yielding to his demands, the general rebuked him and prepared for battle with the Magyars instead.

The looming conflict on the northeastern frontier was irrelevant and not even a concern to Aloysius at this point in time, for he remained utterly focused on turning back the Muslim offensives in the east. The combined Roman host swept out northward from Phoenicia, collected local reinforcements from Cilician Bulgaria and moved to thwart the schemes of Al-Turani. This time the Emperor intended to inflict a smashing defeat on the Saracen general first before dividing his forces to pursue multiple objectives, and he got his chance south of occupied Germanicea Caesarea where Al-Turani hurriedly concentrated his own divided army against the Roman counterattack. As the Siege of Antaradus had given the Alemanni swordsmen a chance to shine, the battle here gave the first 'Normans' in Roman service their opportunity to really prove their worth and enter the pages of history: normally the Norsemen were known to have fought exclusively as infantry, but under Aloysius's direction they had been furnished with & trained to fight on horseback, and at Germanicea he deployed them as cavalry. The boys he had selected to become his first elite Varangian guardsmen had also finished growing up & training, and he was anxious to test their ability on the front line of his army.

The Battle of Germanicea ended up being centered on a strategic hill[8], from where either the Romans or the Arabs could control the surrounding battlefield. Al-Turani sent an 800-strong detachment of Turkic and Kurdish raiders to take this hill ahead of the majority of his army, but Aloysius countered by sending a 2,000-man division comprised of most of the Normans in his army (including all 300 of his young Varangians) and some Bulgars to contest its summit, which they did victoriously. The Romans did not merely camp on the hill but used it as a springboard for daring cavalry assaults on the Saracen ranks throughout the battle, disrupting Al-Turani's lines again and again before retreating back up the slopes, and the men of the Norman contingent further dismounted and bravely held their position when the Turkic general became sufficiently annoyed to send five times their number (including a thousand ghilman) to try to wrest the hill from them, proving that they were still no less deadly than their forefathers when compelled to fight on foot.

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The Roman lorica hamata was nigh-impervious to slashing attacks, and the padded jacket or subarmalis worn beneath offered additional protection against crushing weapons. However, the lack of leg armor represented an obvious weakpoint – one which the Normans addressed by using a teardrop shield design, which was also easier to use on horseback than the classical square scutum

Ultimately the Saracens retreated in defeat after fighting for most of the day, marking the Normans' passage through their baptism of fire: side from demonstrating how smoothly they'd adapted to the versatile fighting style of the Roman knight – warriors who could perform just as well as heavy infantrymen as they could in the role of mounted lancers – the 'teardrop'-shaped shields which they favored also impressed Aloysius. This style of shield provably offered superior protection for the shoulders and upper legs than the round shield long favored by the Romans since the more traditional scutum fell out of favor for all but their crossbowmen, and Aloysius understood that with a bit of lengthening, it would go a long way to improving the survivability of his greave-less soldiers: thus, the 'kite' shield was born, and the older round shield design would be phased out in its favor over the coming decades. Before they got ahead of themselves however, the Romans still had to finish this war, and since Al-Turani escaped the battlefield of Germanicea, Aloysius had to split his host once more: he would chase the fleeing foe to Aleppo with the better part of his men, while Skleros and his son set out to secure Armenia from Al-Jannabi's ravagers.

Up in Norway, the Hálogalanders' planning for the final stage of their campaign of unification was interrupted by the glorious return of Ráðbarðr Twisted-Beard and Amleth, who brought vast riches and stories from their extremely lengthy travels to dazzle their kindred & countrymen with. Both men flaunted the silks they'd bought in Kufa and distributed an assortment of treasures, ranging from ornate Roman glassware to carved ivory statuettes, while telling their stories around Grimr's hearth. Ráðbarðr also had his party's remaining spices spent on their welcome feast and ate his meal on the single bowl of Chinese porcelain he'd managed to buy in Sindh, marking the first time the Vikings encountered goods of either kind and further amazing all who were present.

Grimr himself feared and resented his brother's return however, having lived most of his life in the more adventurous and charismatic Ráðbarðr's shadow and now rapidly growing concerned that said brother would overshadow him & steal the fruits of his work once more. His concern proved justified within days of Ráðbarðr's return, when the latter's sons told him all about their plan and he naturally didn't just want in on this grand scheme of conquest they had devised while he was gone, but also demanded overall leadership over the Viking coalition on account of his seniority and the riches he had just lavished upon them, which far exceeded anything Grimr could salvage in Norway. Now as far as Grimr was concerned, the conquest of Hálogaland and the resultant campaign to unify all Norway was his brainchild, and he was not about to sit there and let his big brother take over his life's work regardless of how much more popular Ráðbarðr was.

Before this fraternal rivalry could escalate to the point of a lethal holmgang however, Einarr and Flóki intervened to mediate a compromise between their father & uncle, which Ráðbarðr agreed to on the grounds of familial love and Grimr upon the realization that even if he did win, the Ráðbarðrsons would certainly not follow a man who just killed their sire (nor for that matter would Amleth, since Ráðbarðr had basically become a second father to him). The Hálogalanders' plan grew ever more ambitious in scale to accommodate the triumphant return of Ráðbarðr: Grimr would now continue to reign in Norway while his nephews attacked Britain as originally planned, but they also tacked on an additional scheme to help Amleth recover Denmark from Claudius-Fjölnir after first prying Britannia from the Romans, and all parties involved were also to acknowledge Ráðbarðr as their 'high king' and the new overall commander of their coalition as he demanded. He was to rule this North Sea empire from Sweden, which he and all his kin agreed to conquer last and to pass on to his favorite son Hrafn (but not the high kingship, for the Norsemen would elect a successor to that lofty throne after his passing).

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Ráðbarðr Twisted-Beard giving a jade necklace to his brother Grimr while feasting at the latter's table with all of their sons & daughters, presenting the image of a big happy Norse family in spite of having reignited their fraternal rivalry behind closed doors

The Romans continued to push forward on both their southern (Syrian) and northern (Armenian-Mesopotamian) fronts throughout 864. Along the former axis of advance, Emperor Aloysius started things off by putting Aleppo under siege and did so properly this time, unlike several previous Roman attempts at besieging the great Syrian city which were often either undermanned and undersupplied or left incomplete before the would-be besiegers were put to flight by Saracen reinforcements. Al-Turani fled the city ahead of his approach, leaving his Persian subordinate Yunus ibn Dawud al-Sistani to defend the walls against overwhelming odds with 1,800 men while he went to gather reinforcements. This proved to be a mistake, as within nine months the outbreak of cholera within said walls compelled Al-Sistani to surrender to the Romans, having lost far more of his garrison to the outbreak or to hunger than to Christian arrows, mangonel-flung boulders or scorpion bolts.

Up north Al-Jannabi didn't have much luck either, as despite successfully sacking the city of Van and sending much slaves & other booty southward, he was resoundingly defeated by the combined armies of the Skleroi, the Armenians and a Georgian detachment in the great Battle of Artamet[9] shortly after this victory. Despite his great youth, Alexander Caesar began to demonstrate a streak of reckless courage from here onward, boldly darting forth from beneath his uncle's wing to come to grips with the Islamic enemy at that lakeside battle and helping the vengeful Armenians harry the Muslims on their retreat in the weeks following their triumph. By the end of 864, the Saracens had been driven out of Armenia yet again and Skleros allowed his men to lay waste to large parts of Islamic Al-Jazira in reprisal.

Faced with these setbacks and unwilling to suffer another defeat when the reason he started this war in the first place was to wipe the stain of his father's final loss from the Hashemite records, Caliph Ahmad attached himself to the third great army Al-Khorasani was putting together in Kufa (including the majority of Al-Turani's remaining men) & intended to lead personally against the Romans. In response to this development, Aloysius not only ordered his northern forces to reunite with him at Aleppo but also commanded the Africans to send their forces to their ancestral Phoenician homeland and help him resist the inevitable Muslim assault, seeing as there didn't seem to be any great Islamic offensive underway on the Libyan front. While this was true, it was only the case because Al-Shirvani and many of his Egypt-based forces had also been called away by Al-Khorasani for the next grand offensive in Syria & Mesopotamia.

Far to the northwest of these Mideastern battlefields, the Magyars began to attempt their great migration onto Roman soil in the summer of this year as well. Relying on three Danubian legions backed by another four thousand Dacian auxiliaries as well as small Greek & Thracian Slav contingents, Duke Murí was at first successful in repelling the vanguard of the latter-day Attila, defeating this forward detachment of mostly Kabar tribesmen (who, though not ethnically Magyar, had thrown in their lot with their neighbors and were similarly driven from their homes by the wrathful Josiah Khagan when their planned treason with the Pechenegs was revealed) at the crossing of the Tyras which the latter had chosen[10]. However, faulty intelligence extracted from captured Kabars persuaded the Romans to expect the next Magyar crossing attempt would be made in the same spot within a week's time, when in fact Attila was going to execute a nighttime crossing to the east & south instead. By the time the Romans caught on, the enemy horde had established a beach-head on the west bank of the Tyras, which Murí was unable to destroy despite his best efforts.

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For the second time in history, an Attila leads his nomadic horde from the east over the Dniester/Tyras and against the Roman world

Further still to the north, the Hálogalanders made their final preparations for the invasion of southeastern Norway. For the time being there was no longer a distinction between Ráðbarðr's and Grimr's family branches, as both were fighting as one: so long as they still presented a united front, they would be known collectively as the Hrafnsons – 'Sons of (the) Raven' – both for their father, the namesake of one of Ráðbarðr's own sons, and for their raven standards. Ráðbarðr used his stockpile of riches, coupled with promises of victory and thus more spoils, to attract additional Norse adventurers to the aforementioned standard, while Grimr sweetened the offer with promises of land taken from his enemies in Norway: among the foremost champions who joined their army (and added their own followers to the ranks of the Hrafnson host) was the old jarl Thorgeir the Tower, who was a personal friend of Ráðbarðr's and also acquainted with Grimr from their time together as captains under the ill-fated Ørvendil. This expanded and high-spirited Norse army won a rousing victory over the allied men of Agðir & Vestfold in the combined land-and-sea Battle of Flekkefjord, where the alliance initially held the Hálogalanders off with a mix of forts and long palisades but got demoralized and left their positions after being defeated at sea, opening the way for the Hrafnsons' advance.

On the other side of the planet, the Liang made their final great push for Jiankang in this year, having spent the previous two amassing the boats which they would need to cross the lower Yangtze and the armies with which they hoped to deal a knockout blow against the True Han. Duanzong's court had advised him to abandon Jiankang and retreat to another capital further to the south, but the Southern Emperor refused in order to avoid demoralizing his subjects and swore to defend his seat to the very end. This time the Liang were able to establish footholds south of the great river at a high cost in blood, and made some headway in encircling the Han capital, but Duanzong's resolve proved well-placed – the Han navy crushed its Liang counterpart in a number of battles near & around the Yangtze's mouth and Dingzong's trapped vanguard was ultimately destroyed in the Battle of Pine River[11], while the majority of the Liang army couldn't even cross the great river to start with. This defeat, coupled with Liu Hu's continued failure to take or even fully invest Xiangyang in the west, made this Pine River the literal high-water mark of the Liang, as the Han now had a chance to regain the initiative after their disastrous start to this round of hostilities.

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The True Han navy proved instrumental to their defense of Xiangyang and Jiankang, allowing them to trap and annihilate the vanguard of the Liang's eastern army near the latter city in 865 and bring Dingzong's overwhelming offensive to a dead stop

The African reinforcements arrived in Phoenicia in the spring of 865, led by the Dominus Rex Gébréanu's eldest son and heir Yésaréyu (Van.: 'Gaiseric'). They made landfall not a moment too soon, for the renewed Arab offensive was underway by then and Aloysius already had to face the full force of Ahmad and Al-Khorasani's advance. The Muslims had gotten the drop on Skleros' army as it descended to join the main imperial one at Aleppo, and while the duke was able to escape, his host was mauled by the larger Islamic army in the Battle of the Wadi Butnan[12]. After this reduced Anatolian-Caucasian army finally made it to Aleppo, Aloysius led their combined forces out to engage the Muslims east of the city, meeting the Caliph's push near the great salt lake of Al-Jabbul. Though the Muslims' first mad rush to break the Roman lines using their elephants and heavy cavalry was repulsed thanks to the prepared carroballistae of the Emperor, Al-Khorasani was able to leverage his greater numbers to the fullest advantage, simultaneously managing to maintain a large enough reserve to apply unrelenting pressure to the Roman army while also extending his battle line to wrap around them. Aloysius caught on to the Muslim strategy, but as he didn't have enough men of his own to break their growing encirclement, he was forced to withdraw in defeat before the Saracens could completely envelop his host.

The Romans abandoned Aleppo in their retreat, at which point Ahmad resisted his initial temptation to sack the city for having surrendered in the first place and settled for just executing those leading citizens who were known to have collaborated with the short-lived restored Roman administration. The Muslims continued to chase Aloysius & his army westward, but this time they were unable to catch up to the Emperor before the African army joined him. When they did, the Augustus Imperator was emboldened to turn and fight the Saracens near Apamea[13], on the marshy flats which the Arabs had taken to calling 'the forest' or Al-Ghab[14]. The terrain hindered both sides' cavalry, but this turned out to be a factor which advantaged Aloysius, since the Christian army had fewer horsemen (and no elephants) compared to the Islamic one – but they did have the superior infantry, even if fighting on swampy ground was still difficult in their heavy armor.

At the battle's climax, many of Ahmad's ghilman had concentrated into an offensive wedge to try to break through a vulnerable section of the Roman ranks, prompting Aloysius to enter the fray himself in a bid to stabilize his shield-wall. Al-Khorasani seized the opportunity to try to take the Emperor out, and despite the valor of Aloysius' dismounted paladins and Varangians, he might have succeeded by sheer weight of numbers until Yésaréyu led the lightly-equipped African missile troops (who had been supporting the main Roman battle line from a safe distance beforehand) in to save the Emperor's life. Their lack of heavy armor, normally fatal in any engagement with the heavily equipped Muslim elite troops, proved advantageous in the difficult conditions of the marshy battlefield.

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Some of the more lightly-equipped African soldiers of Yésaréyu's army, whose agility & numbers proved decisive in the Battle of Apamea

For having saved his skin with the most agile elements of the Moorish contingent, Aloysius thanked the African crown prince and offered him a gift of his choice in gratitude. He expected the Africans to want to install friendly governors (perhaps even Yesaréyu himself) in Sicily or Sardinia, to expand their territories in Hispania, and/or to claim some high offices in the Roman government – all good guesses, and King Gébréanu would probably have taken one of these options. However, Yésaréyu did not wait to consult with his father before immediately requesting the hand of the Emperor's eldest daughter Alexandra in marriage, a favor which Aloysius granted on account of both not wanting to embarrass himself with a refusal and in the knowledge that Alexandra's elder twin Alexander still presented an insurmountable barrier to any Stilichian attempt to claim the purple through her. For that matter, he determined that it was time for the Caesar (who had grown to be not only a bold soldier but also a handsome and energetic young man under Skleros' tutelage) to also marry and further perpetuate the Aloysian lineage, so in the lull which followed the Battle of Al-Ghab/Apamea, Aloysius arranged his own heir's wedding to Onoria Anicia: a daughter of the great Roman Senatorial clan of the Anicii whose mother was also tied to the Trithyrioi, one of the Constantinopolitan Senate's own leading families and once married into the Aloysian house themselves. Of course the marriage had to be done by proxy, since Alexander would not leave his father & uncle's side until the war was over.

The Mideastern theater was not the only one Aloysius had to worry about, as the Danubian-Dniestrian one was rapidly heating up. The Magyar horde broke out past Murí's efforts to contain them in this year, and though he was able to slow them down by dispersing his Dacian auxiliaries to defend their fortified homes, that decision obviously left him unable to face them in the field again. Theoretically he could have (and did intend to) compensate for the loss of manpower by calling in help from the various Slavic federate kingdoms nearby, but not only did the one closest to his command post – the Dulebians – have a major rivalry with the Dacians and thus were not inclined to assist them if they didn't absolutely have to, but a serious miscommunication further hampered his ability to repel the Magyar onslaught.

Now in their centuries as an independent heretical kingdom surrounded by hostile Ephesian/Ionian Christians and pagans, the British had developed a bitterly sarcastic sense of humor with a penchant for comedic understatement, and Duke Murí was no exception to this tradition: he reported the growing border crisis to the Augustus Imperator as 'a spot of trouble with the Ungari'. The serious and stern Aloysius, who was hardly the life of the party even in his best mood, took this message on its face and assumed it meant that his general still had things under control. The unsupported Murí ended up getting killed by Attila's warriors once the latter caught up to him in the Battle of Potaissa[15], after which his subordinates Vinidario della Bella & Thierry de Blois rendered an accurate assessment of the Danubian troubles to Constantinople and from there to Aloysius' headquarters. Unfortunately by the time the Emperor received it and commanded the Dulebians, Gepids, Thracians and Serbs to move in to assist, the Magyars had already overrun much of the Dacian countryside and were threatening the Danube; the local Dacians continued to resist from their castles and fortified churches, but dared not venture forth to fight the invaders on non-mountainous terrain for long.

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A downed Maurice the Briton curses his poor fortune and worse comedic timing in the last moments of his 'spot of trouble' with the Magyars

Over in China, the True Han used their continued command over the Yangtze to pour reinforcements into Xiangyang early in 865. Liu Yong and Sun Bo used those reinforcements to begin mounting serious counterattacks out of the great stronghold-city, relieving those few forts they still had in the countryside around Xiangyang & Fancheng and also to retake the ones they had previously lost to the Liang, whose own offensive operations had completely stalled. The emerging True Han strategy seemed to be to completely secure strategic sites like Xiangyang to render any further Liang attacks south of the Yangtze an impossibility before launching their own counterattacks to the north, a cautious strategy which did however play into their strengths – superior numbers and especially their naval supremacy, which the Liang had been unable to break. News that the Jurchens had gained the upper hand over the Khitans, for whom the aid the Liang had given so far was evidently inadequate due to their concentration of resources southward, further gladdened the court of Jiankang.

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[1] Apparently the cult of Sin in Harran historically managed to persist well into Islamic times (at least until the late 12th century and possibly until the city was destroyed in the Mongol-Mamluk wars of the 1260s/70s), making them the last and longest-surviving remnant of the ancient Babylonian religion long after their compatriots had already faded away.

[2] Al-Bab, not to be confused with Batnae (Suruç).

[3] Baniyas.

[4] Now part of Znamianka.

[5] Kahramanmaraş.

[6] Fedje.

[7] Alauna – Alcester, Warwickshire.

[8] Köroğlu Tepe, a hill south of Kahramanmaraş.

[9] Edremit, Van Province.

[10] Near modern Bendery/Tighina.

[11] 'Song Jiang' – an antiquated name for Suzhou Creek.

[12] 'Lowland Valley' – now the Wadi Dhahab, located in the eastern Aleppo Plateau.

[13] Near Mharda, Syria.

[14] The Ghab Plain used to be marshland, perpetually flooded by the Orontes River, until a modern drainage project in the 1950s turned it into farmland.

[15] Turda, Romania.
 

PsihoKekec

Swashbuckling Accountant
And the lessons we learned today is not to wrap the key information in your reports in humor, the intended recipient might not get it and then you will find yourself exploding with light.
 
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shangrila

Well-known member
Welp, looks like the Stilichian usurpation (or Restoration) is only one poorly timed cavalry charge away. There's no way to claim some sort of Salic Law with the Roman Empire, so if Alexander dies without a son, Gaiseric or his son is the legitimate heir.

And haven't had one of these barbarian tribes invading as a job interview for a while. Too bad Maurice didn't offer to give the Magyars Aleppo or something. Interestingly, with the Pechenegs staying in the East, we may be literally out of steppe barbarians invading Europe. I don't think there's another group until the Mongols, who weren't really doing the classic barbarian migration thing in any case.
 

ATP

Well-known member
And the lessons we learned today is not to wrap the key information in your reports in humor, the intended recipient might not get it and then you will find yourself exploding with light.
Indeed,but Muri at least had funny death.And would be remembered for that.
Now,we have ungari attack which could be repelled by vassals of HRE,and future Denmark and British invasions which probably would need help.

Which mean,no cruyshing victory over muslims,but no defeat,too.

Interesting,when vikings undartsand that fighting HRE is kicking with the mule,and decide go to America?
Becouse their kingdoms in Irealnd would fall to HRE,too.

And,since there would be no next steppe invasion till mongols come,Khazars coud survive longer.Magyars would be wiped out,or used to fight in Africa.
 

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