Alternate History Vivat Stilicho!

881-885: The Empress and the Princess

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
Although the war with the Vikings may have ended in Roman Britain, 881 would demonstrate that that did not necessarily mean an end to all hostilities across the British Isles. Even as most of his federates went home, their job finished, and he himself planned to leave Britannia behind with his wife and their new son (plans which were accelerated after his friend Radovid the Elder died of old age later this year), Aloysius III granted the sons of Dungarth an audience (for, to their credit, they had helped defend Bamburgh from the fury of Hrafn Ráðbarðrson and marched with the army of their host Æthelred the Open-Handed) and heard out their plea for Roman support in retaking their lost throne. While their kingdom was regarded as a remote backwater, second only in barbarism among the British principalities behind the divided Irish, the idea of retracing Gnaeus Julius Agricola's steps and subduing the 'Caledonians' once more – in the process completely securing the larger isle of Britannia for Rome – did tempt the Emperor. Map Beòthu being a blatant usurper with a by-now very unsavory reputation and whose beliefs were clearly out of step with Ionian orthodoxy (dabbling in Celtic superstition aside, he also held to insular Christian tradition in matters such as the calculation of Easter's dating) further eased Aloysius' decision-making process.

However, the sons of Dungarth would have to wait a while before they could march back north with support from the Empire, and until then they'd have to live their days out in Bamburgh and Edinburgh. First, there were still many years of reconstruction ahead for the now-united British kingdoms in the aftermath of the Viking invasion, and those newly settled Norsemen who had accepted Christ and the Empire would have to prove their newfound allegiance by helping to rebuild all that which they had torn down in the first place. Unusual by the standards of Roman nobility, Earl Tryggvi Einarrson – a tall and strong young man much like his father had been, but noted by both Norsemen and Saxon and Briton alike to be a good deal friendlier than Einarr the Elder had ever been – had no issue associating with laborers in the field and physically helped both his people and the Anglo-Britons build walls, dig ditches and plant trees, thereby inviting both mockery for being too close to the commons and praise for his diligence and apparent humility. Aside from the hard physical labor, military engineers from Aloysius' army also stuck around to help plan and oversee the reconstruction of stone walls and towers which the Norsemen had little to no knowledge of, such as those of Lundéne (which had been laid low by Roman artillery before).

The elimination of the Pelagian threat which had been responsible for the fall of many a well-defended British city and castle was another high priority for the Romans and their British vassals. The first brutal reprisals against both real and suspected Pelagians came in the form of mob violence, often following the recapture of settlements which had been lost to the Norse in the first place thanks to Pelagian conniving, displeased Aloysius: such discord flew in the face of his preference for good order in all things, and in any case he did not consider the prospect of punishing innocents alongside the guilty to be just. To impose order on the process, not only had African prelates with knowledge of how best to ferret out heretics been brought over but so had the Papal legate Liberale Carbo, an archdeacon from the Senatorial gens Papiria (specifically the Papirii Carbones) who was trusted by Pope Celestine II to oversee this first inquisition. Carbo also had the secondary duty of mediating between and soothing both jurisdictional & historical tensions between the African and British clergy: the ancient rivalry dating back to Augustine and Pelagius aside, the Africans were generally of the opinion that they should be able to prosecute their duties with no restraints for the sake of efficiency and that the local Britons had best either collaborate wholeheartedly or get out of their way, while the Britons demanded respect on their home turf and to work with the Africans as equals or even superiors rather than inferiors.

8x6QrTl.png

A recalcitrant Pelagian, having just been convicted of not merely being a heretic but also helping the Vikings in taking over his home village, rages against Chief Inquisitor Carbo while he still can

Carbo supervised the formation of special episcopal courts, administered and judged by the re-established British and English bishops. Those brought before these courts on the charge of being a Pelagian heretic, or otherwise sympathizing with and aiding such heretics, were to be thoroughly investigated by inquisitors – originally the Africans, later Britons who studied beneath said Africans' wings – and evidence collected on them, as well as their kin & associates who might or might not constitute a Pelagian cell with them, would consequently be compiled & placed into church records before the bishop made any decision as to their fate. Wherever possible, the inquisitors sought to unearth enough evidence & connections to be able to expand their investigation and root out not just individual heretics, but entire cells and covens. Those who recanted were spared and welcomed back into the Ionian community, though they were required to don a blue cross badge to identify themselves and said community would be quick to suspect them if anything went wrong; those who did not recant even after being proven beyond reasonable doubt to be a Pelagian, were duly handed over to imperial justice and put to the torch. In this manner the First British Inquisition went about systematically whittling down the Pelagian Remnant, while also avoiding the excesses a less organized purge would surely have devolved to.

Meanwhile to the west, Flóki considered his remaining options on the isle of Manaw (or just 'Mann' to the Norsemen). Challenging the Romans in Britain once more was clearly a suicidal move at this point, and the Norsemen of the Isles had just been defeated by the Witch-King of the Picts; but still the second (and now eldest surviving) among the Sons of Ráðbarðr did not relish the thought of returning to Norway where, as far as he could tell, his brother had disappeared and the best he could hope for was a dreary life as his uncle's thane. Ultimately he resolved to get off his island sanctuary and head for Ireland, where he could still become a king among his fellow Vikings while battling a far less difficult opponent than the Holy Roman Empire. His arrival could not have been better-timed, for Muiredach was pressing the Norsemen of Dyflin hard after his victory at Cill Chainnigh a few years prior and had once more put their town under siege: the Irish High King had little choice but to withdraw when a second army of veteran Norse warriors, comparatively few in number but immensely hardened by their tribulations on the other side of the Irish Sea, suddenly landed in a position to threaten his flank. Flóki wasted no time in striking up an alliance with Guðfriðr, elected king of Dyflin since his predecessor had been killed at Cill Chainnigh, and marrying his sister Þóra as his first steps toward building an Irish kingdom for himself.

mDF9Sg8.jpg

Despite having been utterly defeated in Britannia, Flóki the Fearless and the remnants of the Great Heathen Army landed in Ireland in 881, no doubt believing that men are only truly defeated when they have quit

Come 882, no sooner had the Aloysian imperial household settled back in at Trévere did they start running into manifestations of the internal tensions slowly but steadily mounting up underneath them. An attempt was made on the life of the Empress Arturia and her toddler son within a month of their arrival at the capital – more poison, which was foiled by a food-taster consuming the tainted pottage and keeling over shortly afterward. More investigations, including the 'enhanced interrogation' of the kitchen staff thought to be responsible for the dish, turned up nothing; but the incident most certainly would not be forgotten by Aloysius III or his young empress, who seemed to think that she & Aloysius Caesar would be safest in Britain and whose attitude toward her stepdaughter and the Skleroi both rapidly cooled. Additional food-tasters were recruited and while Arturia could not return to Britain with the heir to the throne right away, a 100-man unit of specially picked British archers was organized by her brother the Ríodam was sent over the Channel and assigned as her honor guard with the elder Aloysius' authorization, starting their duties by protecting her on the route to & back from Radovid Senior's funeral.

The Romans being caught up in their own growing internal factionalism was a boon to both Map Beòthu, who was disinclined to concede as much to the Holy Roman Emperor as his dynastic rivals were and seemed to instead consider Calgacos as a source of inspiration in his quest to uphold a Pictland free of outside influences, and to Flóki the Fearless who was still aggressively campaigning in Ireland with the western remnants of the Great Heathen Army and the Hiberno-Norse forces. Having already prevented the Irish coalition from driving the Norsemen of Dyflin into the sea the previous year, Flóki now delivered further hard knocks against Muiredach and his compatriots in the Battles of Ráth-Tógh[1], An Nás[2] and Arnkell-lág[3]. Unlike Guðfriðr and the other past kings of Dyflin, whose ambitions exceeded their grasp and found disaster in trying to push too deeply into Ireland too fast, the campaign being directed by Flóki concentrated on linking up and consolidating the Viking towns on the eastern coast of Ireland: when Muiredach set his sights on storming Corcaigh and wiping out its Viking community for having backstabbed him a few years ago, Flóki did not launch any attacks to divert his course as some of the Hiberno-Norse jarls advised but instead only sent boats to pick up those who wished to flee ahead of the Irishmen's wrath, leaving those Vikings who insisted on staying (and who he realistically had no way of saving with his limited resources anyway) to their fate.

5SMJhD0.jpg

Veisafjǫrðr, one of the Norse longphorts which Flóki managed to save in 882

As for Flóki's brother Hrafn, he and Amleth took the opposite of a cautious approach in Norway this year. Their gang of outlaws successfully baited a royal force under Grimr Garmrson's eldest son (and thus, Flóki and Hrafn's cousin) Hákon into an ambush in Gudbrandsdalen, a mountain valley in the Norwegian hinterland, and wiped them out – Hákon himself went down swinging but even if he had tried to surrender, Hrafn was in no mood to offer any clemency, for ties of kinship had not kept Hákon's father from arranging his own's death and he saw no reason why he should extend such courtesy on those same grounds to his kinsman now. In turn Grimr was enraged by the sight of his heir's head being thrown into his hall and organized a much larger expeditionary force to suppress his nephew's uprising, which did prove to be more than Hrafn could handle. He and his men ended up fleeing Norway altogether, first moving through Sweden and then sailing from Scania to Denmark.

Now, there Claudius-Fjölnir was ever in need of mercenaries to enforce his collection of dues in the straits around Denmark (which Grimr vigorously opposed) and accepted them into his service at Helsingør after being presented with a large skull said to be Amleth's. Hrafn had successfully persuaded the King of the Danes that his own nephew had been killed at Stanfordbrycge like so many other Norsemen; but of course, in truth Amleth was still living as a disguised member of the Norwegian outlaw warband and the youngest Ráðbarðrson prince had switched to his Plan B of making him the next Danish king. Once this was done, Amleth was to support him in his quest to overthrow his own wicked uncle, and thus allow for Denmark to serve as a base from which to take Norway for himself.

The Banu Hashim were not exempt from the sort of family troubles plaguing the Aloysians and the royal clans of Scandinavia, either. The suspicious death of Ahmad and the enthronement of Ubaydallah by Al-Turani raised more than a few eyebrows among the Alids of Persia & beyond, and while a lack of proof for any foul play kept them from entering open rebellion against the senior Hashemite branch right off the bat, these myriad and increasingly distant kindred of the Blood of the Prophet did respond by showing less and less respect for the Caliph in Kufa than ever before. Tax income from the eastern provinces dwindled to the bare-bone minimums and came at irregular intervals, orders from the capital could go weeks or months longer than usual without reply, and the easternmost Alids began to agitate on the Indian frontier once more; when the Samrat Vijayalaya, son and successor of the esteemed Simhavishnu, demanded redress from Kufa, Ubaydallah's orders were brazenly ignored by his kinsmen. Al-Turani declined to crack down on the Alids at this juncture, since he both thought little of tweaking the noses of the 'pagan' Indians and had his mind set on building upon the limited gains he'd procured for Islam under Ahmad in the west (and a civil war with the Alids would certainly get in the way of that), but he did note such defiance and promised the Caliph that there would be a reckoning for his disobedient cousins when the time was right.

B6r6iLc.jpg

Caliph Ubaydallah receives a gift of Persian scholarly literature from his wayward kin, a token gesture to mollify him while they increasingly ignored his & Al-Turani's orders in favor of doing whatever they pleased out east

The conflict between the Pendragons, Stilichians and Skleroi continued to slowly simmer throughout 883. In the west, the Pendragon siblings moved to build alliances across Europe in preparation to defend the claims of Aloysius Caesar, or as he was sometimes called to more readily differentiate him from his father, Aloysius Artorius/Aloysius Arthur (Fra.: 'Aloys-Arthur') – it was the hope of both Artur and Arturia that they could amass a sufficiently extensive alliance network to either intimidate their dynastic rivals into submission, or if that failed, to ensure that any war of succession which they would have to fight would be a swift one that left a largely intact empire for the latter's son. To that end, the Ríodam arranged the marriage of his other sisters Lleríande (Gal.: 'Clarisant') and Guinofere (Old Brit.: 'Guinevere') respectively to Júlio, the heir to Lusitania, and Erramon III, the young Prince of the Aquitani – and who, as the grandson of Berenguer of Tarraco through his only daughter Constança, was also the heir to that Aloysian cadet branch's kingdom. Arturia meanwhile reached out to the Germanic and Slavic federates, welcoming the youngest daughters of Adalric of Swabia into her household as ladies-in-waiting and promising to support the Slavic princes' bids for Senatorial representation and their elevation to hereditary status as kings over their respective peoples.

In Africa meanwhile, Yésaréyu had succeeded his father Gébréanu as Dominus Rex by this time and firmly resolved to become the first Stilichian to ascend to the purple after 200 years of exile from what he believed to be their rightful throne. In this ambition he was supported by his wife Alexandra, who both much preferred to sit her own blood (the legitimate line of descent from her mother Euphrosyne) on said throne rather than Pendragon's lineage and seemed to believe that joint Stilichian-Aloysian leadership of the Empire (as represented by their marital union) would be for the best. Yésaréyu aspired to claim the throne of Tarraconensis for himself when Berenguer died and the male line of 'Yazigo' cadet branch of his wife's house should die out, thereby placing even more of Hispania under his control; his claim was weak compared to Erramon's, for his own mother was only a distant cousin of Berenguer's, but the African army was vastly more powerful than the Aquitani one and after all, possession was 9/10ths of the law. Alexandra meanwhile set about buttressing their positions in & around Italy: she prevailed upon her father to appoint governors friendly to Stilichian interests in Corsica & Sardinia as well as in Sicily; handled the betrothals of the Stilichian children in order to build up marriage alliances; and further aligned her camp with the Italian Senators who did not wish to have to share their chamber with even more barbarians as well as the Venetians, who offered the services of their fleet in exchange for the renewed affirmation of their league once Yésaréyu was Emperor and protection against their inland Slavic & Italo-Goth rivals.

yJtdtls.png

A proud and willful woman, Alexandra of Africa was hellbent on placing her blood (and by extension that of her mother Euphrosyne) on the Roman throne. That her marriage & children represented the future of a unified Stilichian-Aloysian dynasty fit to be the foundation of a stronger, properly centralized Western Europe only strengthened her conviction in pursuing this ambition

The Skleroi, for their part, were focused on shoring up their eastern flank so as to have a free hand to fight in the west. The Praetorian Prefect Michael and the Curopalate Andronikos strove to build support for the claim of Alexander the Arab in the courts of Armenia, Georgia and the lesser Caucasian kingdoms, as well as the Cilician Bulgars. To that end, they set up alliances using their many children and grandchildren, and arranged a secret betrothal between the young Alexander and Shushanik Mamikonian, eldest among the daughters of the Armenian king who was still unwed at the time. The Ghassanids might be rather short on worldly power now, but they were happy to help placing one of their own (even if he was bastard-born) on the Roman throne in hopes of getting a monarch absolutely committed to the recovery of their lands, adding their womenfolk to the Skleroi's growing network of allies in the east. The Thracians and Serbs were no friends to the Greeks, indeed the former especially desired union with the Thracian-settled lands and villages south of the Danube, and so conversely they were marked as the first targets for elimination should the question of succession come to blows and the Skleroi compelled to march in arms to make Alexander Augustus.

North of Rome, the Irish made a last great concerted push to expel the Norse from their lands as the Picts and Romano-Britons had already done. Flóki and his compatriots were of course determined not to also be driven from Ireland after all the tribulations they had been through, and marched in force to meet the Gaels head-on: to force the more numerous Irish allied army into battle on advantageous ground, Flóki did seize Dún Ailinne[4], a hill of great ceremonial and spiritual importance to the men of Leinster in particular – it was where their kings were traditionally crowned, not dissimilar to what Emain Macha was to the men of Ulster or Tara itself to the High Kings. This had the intended effect, as the incumbent King of Leinster Máel Sechnaill mac Congalach of the Uí Ceinnselaig successfully pressured Muiredach to divert from their initial course toward Dyflin to retake this hill from the Norsemen.

In the ensuing Battle of Dún Ailinne, the Norsemen enjoyed two important advantages in both the favorable terrain and the fact that their warriors generally were more heavily armed than the Irishmen, which Flóki fully exploited. The Vikings' defense of the sacred hill was a success and once the Gaelic onslaught had completely stalled & worn itself out, their ferocious downhill counterattack swept the Irishmen from the field entirely, in the process felling not just Máel Sechnaill but also High King Muiredach himself. Just as critically however, Guðfriðr of Dyflin himself was among the Viking dead – Flóki had been careful not to be seen directly harming him in any way, but then he also did nothing but utter encouragement when his Hiberno-Norse brother-in-law insisted on having a place of honor for himself in the front line of the Norse shield-wall. While the Irish coalition began to fight and scheme among themselves for the vacant throne of the High King, Flóki promptly jumped on the opportunity to get himself acclaimed the new King of Dyflin, displacing Guðfriðr's underage sons on ironically similar grounds as to those which his enemy Artur of Britain had used to persuade the Witan to elect him over his own Rædwalding nephews.

Across the Atlantic, not only were disillusioned Norsemen whose western routes of expansion into Britain had mostly been shut down by defeat in Pictland and Britannia starting to land on Tír na Beannachtaí after first making their way to Ísland and then Grǿnland, but the men of Dakaruniku were also undergoing another transition of power. Naahneesídakúsuʾ died of old age in 883 and following the precedent set by his own father, his sons (save for the eldest, who was too infirm to mount a challenge) dueled for the right to succeed him almost immediately after the medicine men proclaimed he had passed away. This time, his fifth son Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ ('Hart-Without-Heart') emerged victorious and wasted no time in outlining his lofty ambitions. Dakaruniku had grown much under his father and grandfather, to be sure, but there were greater heights still to surmount: and where Naahneesídakúsuʾ had expanded southward, the new great chief would turn northward. How could they call themselves a Mississippian Empire without attaining mastery over the Great Lakes to the north and the very source of the Míssissépe, after all? Thus his reign's objective would be to reaffirm his grandfather's alliance with the Britons of Annún, and end the story of the Three Fires Confederacy once & for all by partitioning those tribes' lands between the two of them, before pushing further west & north up the Míssissépe until he hit its source.

8xjxmsW.jpg

Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ called to mind the insatiable and monstrous wendigo of the Three Fires tribes' myth, being a voracious conqueror like his predecessors whose very name meant 'Hart-Without-Heart' and who was known to wear a deer-skull helm, who held ambitions as high as the stars, and who would certainly bring much misery to the Three Fires in pursuing said ambitions

Early on in 884, it seemed as though the Pendragons' plotting would tack back closer to home. Having busily shored up contacts on the probable front-line against the Stilichians in the previous year, in this one Arturia and Artur concentrated instead on locking down alliances in Gaul and to a lesser extent, Germania. The Empress ingratiated herself with the great houses of Gallic nobility, chief among them the Syagrians and the Merovingian House of Blois, with elaborate feasts & festivals on one hand and pressure on her imperial husband to promote those among their ranks she deemed to be the most reliable to various high military & bureaucratic offices on the other. As to the Germans, the Pendragons were not such a massive family that they had children and cousins of both sexes to spare on many more strategic marriages, so instead they had to rely on the good graces of their Adalrichinger allies: matches between that continental house, who were greater in number if not esteem than the British royals, and the royalty and nobility of kingdoms such as Bavaria and Saxony would have to serve to bind the latter to the cause of Aloysius Arthur by proxy. The loss of either Gaul or Germany to the Stilichians would after all ensure the Caesar's defeat before any war of succession started, and so had to be avoided at all costs by his mother and uncle.

Two shocks later in the year would interrupt the scheming of the Pendragon siblings and present them with their first real test on the continent. Firstly, the Blesevins brought to their attention rumors that Aloysius Arthur was not actually the son of Aloysius III, but the bastard offspring of the Empress and an anonymous lover: as circumstantial evidence the rumor-mongers cited the massive age difference between the Augustus Imperator and his Augusta as well as the arranged nature of their marriage which, while entirely unexceptional for royal and imperial matches, stood in the way of any true affection blossoming between the pair (unlike the case between Aloysius III and Euphrosyne so long ago), as well as the boy's dominant Pendragon features – namely his green eyes, a contrast to the blue ones of his father and eldest half-sister. Secondly, Berenguer of Tarraco died in this year, and Yésaréyu wasted no time in raising a challenge to Erramon of Aquitaine for the vacated throne of the Yazigos.

In both cases, Arturia exhibited decisiveness and a determination to defend the rights of her son. She pushed the elder Aloysius into investigating the rumors, boldly declaring that she had nothing to hide, and in addition to seeking its source she also prevailed upon the Emperor to have the tongues of any who dared utter such treasonous words removed. Inquiries of both a mundane and 'enhanced' nature eventually led the Aloysian-Pendragon party to a courtier and valet in the company of the provincial governor of Apulia et Calabria, a Corsican by the name of Felice Ramolino who was further known to have once been associated with the Carthaginian court and joined that of the governor on the recommendation of Yésaréyu years ago. But this Ramolino died on the rack rather than implicate his old patron in any way, much to Arturia's frustration, while his current one was demoted & reassigned to administer the Pontine Islands. In any case the Emperor himself was sufficiently satisfied to conclude the case there, which his wife suspected was due to him already knowing (without direct proof, which he probably did not want to see for himself anyway) – as she did – that the real source of this insult was not even Yésaréyu himself, but his own golden daughter and one of the last reminders of his first wife: the Skleroi would have had nothing to gain from an attack like this, since after all their own claimant was born out of wedlock.

1zJlCT0.jpg

The Empress Arturia rapidly proved to be no meek and pliant maiden, but a steadfast and tireless defender of her son against all who would dare try to undermine his foremost position in the imperial line of succession. Comparisons were soon drawn between her and the red dragon adorning her brother's banner, of both a favorable nature and otherwise

As to the latter affair, in this one Arturia played a less active role compared to her husband and brother. Already understanding the danger of an overly powerful Stilichian Africa well before the thought of a Pendragon marriage ever occurred to him, Aloysius – already frustrated by the rumor that his only remaining lawful son was a bastard, as well as this affair of succession diverting his attention from vague but extensive schemes of infrastructural development which he hoped to facilitate smoother transportation between Northern & Southern Europe – came down firmly on the side of the Aquitani and warned that any breach of the imperial peace would be punished beginning with the aggressor being named a rebel, followed by a military response from the legions. Artur of Britain, meanwhile, pledged to militarily support his new Aquitani in-law if the affair should come to blows. Before any of that would become necessary however, Yésaréyu backed down at the advice of Alexandra, who hoped to both avert an unwinnable (at this stage) conflict and dispel any suspicion her father might have of her loyalty.

Beyond the realm of Roman intrigues, Flóki of Dyflin began seeking terms with the increasingly fractious Irish still standing against him. He asserted that he did not desire any conquests further inland, a pragmatic decision proven by the Irishmen's expertise in guerrilla warfare on their home terrain having been the bane of several past Norse incursions to their hinterland, and that he would leave them to their own devices if they conceded the eastern Irish coast from the longphorts of Thorgeststún[5] to Veðrafjǫrðr to him and his people. Since Muiredach's son Eógan was preparing to defend the Uí Néill's hold on High Kingship against the Uí Briúin of Connacht and the Uí Ceinnselaig of Leinster, he proved amenable to a deal, especially since it would free the Vikings up to continue pressing against the latter – now their mutual foe. This Flóki did, and by the year's end he had wrested his land corridor to Veðrafjǫrðr from Máel Sechnaill's successor Gilla-Íosa, who then made a separate peace with the Norsemen to focus his remaining resources on contending with his Gaelic rivals.

As for Flóki's other living brother, Hrafn helped win a victory for the outnumbered Danes over the forces of his uncle in a naval battle in the Skagerrak this year. Grimr Garmrson had hoped to sunder the Scyldings' enforcement of dues on ships traveling through the strait, and thus their ability to both finance the development of their kingdom and tribute to the Holy Roman Empire; but for the same crucial reasons Claudius-Fjölnir threw everything he had, including Hrafn's warband, into the fray. The Norwegian commander, Jarl Skúli of Gauldalen, went after Hrafn himself in hopes of collecting the bounty placed on his head by the king, but was instead himself slain and his own head mounted on the Ráðbarðrson flagship's prow, after which the Norwegians fled in disarray. For this victory, an elated Claudius-Fjölnir granted to Hrafn the hand of his eldest child and only daughter Anna-Astrid in marriage: as for Amleth, disguised as a masked warrior in the Ráðbarðrson contingent, he now witnessed with his own eyes that his mother Gunhild had birthed not just a half-sister but also a half-brother named Gunnarr, baptized as Georg (at this time, on the edge of puberty). Despite his creeping feeling of horror and ensuing doubts about whether to see his mission of vengeance through, the Danish prince ended up pushing these third thoughts from his mind and once more resolving to see Claudius-Fjölnir and all who would stand with him dead, reasoning that he had come too far and too close to that lifelong objective to turn back now.

jcrCShx.png

Though unsuccessful in eliminating the Norsemen in Ireland entirely, the Irish came away from this great war with two important lessons: 1) the importance of developing their own heavy infantry tradition, which would eventually give rise to the 'gallóglaigh' or 'Gallowglass' warrior, and 2) not descending into civil strife every time a High King died or failed to bring about the results he promised he would

885 saw both the Pendragons and the Stilichians attempting plots against one another closer to home, even as they still sought to firm up alliances elsewhere. While wrangling over Cardinals in Rome in expectation of the death & succession of the ailing Pope Celestine, the Stilichians and Alexandra sought to hatch another plot in Britain itself to undermine their rival in the latter's very homeland: they could not directly employ the inquisitors they had dispatched to the island kingdom, for those had a different mission which required them to remain above suspicion at all times, but through some of said African inquisitors' staffers they reached out to some of the more morally flexible British bishops to put together a plot accusing Arturia of having secretly married Dobrigí (Lat.: 'Dubricius') de Gloué, son of the duke of that city and its environs who was known to have been close to her, during her stay there in the early & middle years of the Norse invasion. Conveniently her supposed husband was already dead, slain at Stanfordbrycge, and thus could not defend himself; but if such a marriage could be proven to have happened, then the Empress would be guilty of bigamy and Aloysius Arthur (who had been conceived while he was still alive) removed from the succession.

This time, Artur took the lead in combating the threat to his family's prospects. His investigation led him to the highest-ranking British member of this conspiracy: Bishop Légehey (Gal.: 'Ligessac') of Acqua Sulí[6], who was duly imprisoned and gave up his accomplices to avoid being defrocked and executed. The African inquisitors could not be harmed due to a lack of evidence and their important clerical duties, but those staffers of theirs who were named by Légehey and the other Britons tied to him were lucky if they 'just' lost their tongues in the ensuing purge, and the Pendragon siblings used the entire embarrassing episode to push for the minimization of the Africans' role in the ongoing British Inquisition. Aloysius III and Carbo agreed to relegate them to a more advisory role, responsible primarily for passing their knowledge to the British Church and training native British inquisitors to take over their duties both in the field and before the clerical tribunals so that the latter might see to the security of their people's souls themselves – a gradual 'Britishization' of the inquisition in the isles, if one will, which served to further secure the Pendragons' power.

After thwarting this new African plot, the Britons decided to seek revenge through a scheme of their own much closer to the Stilichians' homes. Agents of the Empress reached out to the Theodefredings of Cordoba, that last great remnant of the fallen Balthings, and sought to ensure that they would rise in revolt against the Stilichian overlord who (in their view at least) had usurped the throne of their forefathers if said Stilichians should dare raise their hands against the Blood of St. Jude: in exchange, an entrenched Aloysian-Pendragon regime would surely restore the crown of the Visigoths to them. Duke Adelfonso II of Bética was initially receptive to this plot, but seemed to have completely changed his mind and refused to have anything to do with Arturia and her schemes the next time her envoys visited him, instead professing undying loyalty to the House of Stilicho. In truth, many members of his staff were already in the employ of said Stilichians (who were always going to keep a close eye on the biggest, most obvious internal threat to their hold on Hispania), and his conversation with the Pendragon agents was overheard by a maid & a valet who promptly reported their findings to their handler: Yésaréyu then promptly paid Adelfonso a 'friendly' visit and left Cordoba with his son Teodorico as a new squire, in truth a hostage to shut down Theodefreding involvement in any plot against him. Thus in this year the factions of the Empress and the Princess did neutralize each other's schemes in the Roman West.

Nir32ln.jpg

Teodorico Adelfonsez, the teenage heir to Bética, in Carthage with an African valet and knight. So long as his father stayed in line and didn't do anything foolish, like aligning with the Pendragons, he could expect to live long and comfortably at Yésaréyu's expense

In Denmark, Hrafn and Amleth set their own final scheme into motion. Claudius-Fjölnir had never been the kindest master to his slaves and servants, a fact which Hrafn took full advantage of by bribing his cook into poisoning a family dinner with fly agaric while also pulling most of the royal guards away with a staged Norwegian raid on the nearby shores: unfortunately for the plotters, the former did so imperfectly and while certainly sluggish, the junior Scylding branch were still conscious when Amleth stormed into their hall to finally get his revenge. The senior Scylding prince ended up murdering not just his uncle but also his own mother Gunhild and half-brother Georg-Gunnarr, both of whom tried to defend Claudius-Fjölnir, and soon after died of the wounds he received while hesitating to strike down his own mother.

This complication worked to the advantage of Hrafn, who then pinned the blame for the whole affair on just Amleth and summarily executed the hapless cook before he could tell his side of the story before claiming the Danish throne through his marriage to Anna-Astrid: the majority of the assembled Danish nobles agreed to elect him as Claudius-Fjölnir's successor, and those who did not agree he beat into submission or outright killed in a few holmgangs near the end of 885. Thus was the prophecy of Ørvendil's völva completed, albeit decades after it was first issued: his attempted invasion of the Holy Roman Empire earlier in the ninth century did eventually bring about the total ruin of the Scylding dynasty which had for so long ruled Denmark by right of their supposed descent from Odin & Gaut, which was now doomed to irrelevance and eventual extinction. Amleth's infant son with Ophelíe back in Britain still lingered to extend the lineage of Ørvendil, but he certainly would not be brought up as either a Dane or a pagan, and the House of Sitomagus descended from him would never play any role in Scandinavian politics.

kZQOoG7.jpg

Hrafn and the Danish nobility barge into Claudius-Fjölnir's hall, only to find that Amleth has killed almost his entire family and then died – a great tragedy which was also of supreme convenience to Hrafn, who had a claim by marriage to the last living Scylding that wasn't also an infant in exile

Far to the east, beyond the struggles of the Romans and Muslims and Indians, the Liang took advantage of their state of peace with the Han to begin chipping away at the latter's Jurchen ally with the ultimate intention of taking them off the board entirely before their next, inevitable round of hostilities to the south. Gangzong's general Cao Qin led a 50,000-strong army northward to join with the dynasty's Khitan Liao allies in an invasion of the Jin lands, expelling the Jurchens from those lands they had occupied which laid adjacent to the Great Wall. Emperor Shizong of Jin appealed to Jiankang for aid but was answered with a stony silence, to his immense frustration and resentment: it would seem that the True Han were leaving him and his out to dry, and the only thing keeping the Jurchens from being flattened immediately as of this year was the Liang's unwillingness to empower the Liao too greatly (something which had saved the Jurchen Jin before already, as the Khitans once had them dead to rights but were prevented from finishing them off back around the middle of the century). Still the Jurchen had once fought their way out of an even worse situation a century prior, caught between the Khitans and the Koreans with even fewer resources than they had now – Shizong could only hope they still had it in them to pull off another miracle like that against the power of the Liang.

====================================================================================

[1] Ratoath.

[2] Naas.

[3] Arklow.

[4] Dun Aulin, County Kildare.

[5] Linn Duachaill – now Annagassan, County Louth.

[6] Aquae Sulis – Bath, Somerset.
 

shangrila

Well-known member
All those Dance of the Dragons allusions can't be good. Especially the Skleroi pushing a longshot bastard claim instead of their own kin. Deciding to try for civil war drawing their troops West while facing a disastrous threat to the East is admittedly super in the Byzantine character. Not so much distaining the female line though, Byzantine dynasties such as they were almost always had female line inheritance.
 

ATP

Well-known member
Well,we would have irish and viking Ireland...til next war,when HRE would come to liberate them.
Cyvil war in HRE when emmperor would die - it mean not vyvil war among muslims,becouse they remain united to conqer more christian lands.Pity,i hoped for 2 HRE and 2 Caliphates.

America - three Fires Confederacy is fucked,and first vikings are coming.

China - why true Han do not helped their steppe toys ?
 

ATP

Well-known member
Weather prognosis has civil war in quite a few locations, must be global climate change.

I guess Ophelia is the one who got away this time.




I don't see what was supposed to be so suspicious about it, the guy just had unhealthy enthusiasm for wells.
1.Civil wars are good for industry,but you are right about Ophelia.Thanks, @Circle of Willis for sparing her !

2.Not that i want to brag,or anything,but some dude named @ATP told him,that it is Well of Eternity !
 
886-890: Moves and countermoves

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
The dawn of 886 brought with it continued political games within the upper echelons of the Holy Roman Empire, even if there was peace to be found without. To retaliate against the Pendragons' attempted play within Hispania, Yésaréyu and Alexandra hoped to win the Rædwaldings over to their cause, reasoning that this must be a situation which closely mirrored that of his own relationship with the Theodefredings: the traditional royal house of England, toppled from their seat by a regional rival and surely resentful at the usurpers. However the Stilichians miscalculated, and their agents reported that the Pendragons had worked to stay ahead of them – Artur and Arturia had both identified the Rædwaldings as a danger to the former's hold on their kingdom, and the Ríodam had duly taken his sister's advice to win their loyalty by deluging them with gifts, courtly honors and high titles. The elder of the young nephews of Artur by marriage, Oswald, had been named Ealdorman of Eoforwic, while his brother Oswin had been named Ealdorman of Edinburgh; and not only did neither lad show much aptitude or will to challenge their uncle at this time, but Artur had also won over their maternal grandfather Æthelred the Open-Handed, whose ealdormanry of Bamburgh laid between their lands, by betrothing his newborn daughter to the latter's own toddler great-grandson and confirming that Bamburgh would now become a hereditary possession of the Æthelredings.

The Pendragons, for their part, attempted to cut a deal with the Skleroi in the hope of eliminating a potential eastern front, and thus becoming able to concentrate all of their resources against the Stilichians alone. Arturia offered to press her husband into arranging the betrothal of Aloysius Artorius to a Skleraina of the Prefect and Duke's choice, and plum positions for their kin besides in exchange for the withdrawal of Alexander the Arab (who she would advocate to be appointed a count in Anatolia in the meantime, and surely made a king if ever they regained the Ghassanid territories) from contention; but while the Skleroi brothers were initially receptive to this offer, like Adelfonso of Bética they suddenly changed their minds and adopted a more hostile posture towards the Empress later in the year. The duo had expected a cousin of theirs, Ioannes Skleros, to be named the nominal Prefect of Illyricum and thus governor of Thessalonica, but the honor was instead granted to Alan de Redon; a Rolandine of Brittany, brother to its sitting Duke Hoël, and a maternal cousin of the Pendragons. While Arturia could do little but pretend to be satisfied with the appointment, for her Breton kindred had long been allies of the Romano-Britons and it would look especially unseemly for her to oppose her cousin's ascent for (as far as anyone could tell) no readily apparent reason, in truth this choice of steward by the Emperor was not her idea but Alexandra's. Privately pitched to her father as a sign of her willingness to reconcile with her stepmother, the devious Queen of Africa had in fact intended the gesture to sink any chance of a Pendragon-Skleroi alliance and to make the latter more receptive to her own offer of alliance, and she seemed to succeed on both counts.

Zkguk9T.jpg

Being a stranger to the East with few local allies, Alan de Redon was unlikely to accomplish much with his new 'honor' as Prefect of Illyricum besides annoying the Skleroi who felt entitled to his office, just as planned by Alexandra

While the Stilichians' British scheme had been frustrated by the machinations of their dynastic rivals, to the west and east the remaining Ráðbarðrsons who had so recently plagued the Pendragons' fortunes were now seeking terms with them & their overlord. Although Dyflin had made a fortune off the slave trade and in fact recently grown into the largest slave market in Northwestern Europe, in no small part because of the thralls sent there by the Sons of Ráðbarðr themselves, Flóki put a stop to raids aimed at their most obvious and lucrative slave-raiding target – Roman Britain, followed by the Holy Roman Empire in general – for fear of provoking a Roman invasion of Viking Ireland, which would certainly erase the already extremely limited revival of fortune he was enjoying. Marauders could target Pictland and tweak Map Beòthu's nose all they wanted, for instance, or the lands of the free Irish; but any raider returning with loot & thralls from Britannia or Gaul or Hispania was liable to be turned over to the Romans for execution on grounds of piracy, for in Flóki's view it was better that a few Vikings who so audaciously ignored his orders should die and their friends & relatives rage at him than for all of them to be ground to dust beneath Roman boots.

Hrafn of Denmark took a similar approach, pledging to continue paying tribute to Trévere and enforcing a ban on raiding of Roman lands much as Claudius-Fjölnir had. However, he was able to successfully argue for a reduction in the amount of tribute the Danes would have to pay on the grounds that he needed more resources to combat his uncle Grimr of Norway, who was certainly not bound by treaty or sense to not pillage the Empire's shores. Aloysius did not particularly care who was ruling Denmark so long as he could expect them to not cause trouble on his northern & northwestern frontiers, and while Hrafn may have been an enemy of Rome until a few years ago, Grimr has hosted & sent off the Sons of Ráðbarðr in the first place – he could hardly be defined as a friend to Rome, either. So as far as the Emperor was concerned, if Hrafn sought a freer hand to wage war against his uncle (and given the extremely, bitterly personal nature of their conflict, it did seem unlikely the Danes would try attacking Trévere again any time soon), then it was right for him to let them fight – every day Denmark and Norway remained at each other's throats was a day where they would not even think of harassing Roman coastlines.

V1WCKvp.png

Flóki's policy of avoiding further hostilities with the Romans and coming to their lands only as peaceable merchants undoubtedly saved his new kingdom from being as short-lived as the Kingdom of Jórvík had been, though it had no small number of opponents at his growing court who thought it represented a betrayal of his brothers' memory and/or a missed opportunity to get rich off of the far more prosperous lands of the Empire

In far away lands meanwhile, the Liang-Khitan offensive against the Jurchens was well underway. Against their combined strength the Jin had few options but to retreat from the indefensible cities and plains on the southern rim of their dominion, toward the mountains and river-crossed steppes to the north where they at least had slightly better chances of whittling the superior foe's numbers down with constant hit-and-run attacks. This was not a strategy Shizong could rely on for too long however, and his enemies knew it: not only did the Jin lack strategic depth between their (now former) Chinese holdings around the Great Wall and their core territories, but a constant Jurchen retreat would surely encourage the Koreans to rise up and strike at them in such a moment of obvious weakness. Shizong's ally Duzong of the True Han continued to be of little help, no matter his personal wishes, as the True Han had had the worse of the fighting in the last round of contention between themselves and the Liang, and still needed time to rebuild. The Emperor in Jiankang could not afford to risk his still incompletely reconstructed armies and fleets against the Liang, especially not for the sake of some distant barbarian nation; it was between that reality and the recently arranged marriages between their families that Gangzong felt safe enough to move against the Jurchen in the first place, after all.

In 887, Arturia Augusta took a brief break from plotting against her various enemies to help see off her young son, who was to become a ward (as was customary of highborn boys) of Radovid of Dulebia per the wishes of his father: there were few others the elderly Augustus Imperator would trust with this honor, and Adalric of Alemannia – chief among those rival candidates – already had his hands full with squires from various other German noble and royal families. While Radovid would be responsible for overseeing the Caesar's training in both martial affairs and courtly etiquette as he gradually progressed from pageboy to squire to knight however, Aloysius Artorius' intellectual development was to be left in the hands of carefully chosen British priests, who were also to keep an eye on him outside of the major Christian holidays (chiefly Christmas and Easter) when he would be reunited with his parents in Trévere for a time. The younger Aloysius himself did not seem to mind his new situation overmuch after getting over his homesickness in the first months, proving to be a diligent lad who took his religious instruction especially seriously, often buried his nose in the priests' books and made fast friends among Radovid's own children, particularly the two closest to him in age – Kocel', a fellow pageboy, and Elena, one of the Dulebian prince's younger daughters.

6fLpRAI.jpg

Though the daughter of the Prince of the Dulebes, Elena Radovida was also the granddaughter of a man born into slavery, and thus threatened to pose a relatively lowborn and scandalous roadblock to Arturia's plans for an advantageous marriage for her son. Still, the younger Radovid would certainly not mind becoming the father of the first Slavic Roman Empress, and thus despite being one of Arturia's allies he did nothing to keep his daughter apart from her new friend the Caesar

It took no time at all for the Empress to go back to her web-weaving once this was done. Aside from definitively securing the Dulebes (and with them, the other of her husband's remaining closest companions) for her column, Arturia also took steps to strike back against her stepdaughter by blowing up the latter's own attempt to pull the Skleroi into her orbit this year. No sooner had Yésaréyu finished inking the betrothal contract between his niece Aggeléya (Lat.: 'Angelica') to Prefect Michael's youngest son Loukas did the junior African princess run off to Rome with her lover Énnadzéu ey Arzéla[1], the son of a count from western Mauretania, embarrassing both the Stilichians and Skleroi. In truth agents of the Pendragons had helped the pair elope, and now Arturia played an important role in persuading the elder Aloysius to let them off with a fine for wedding without his or Yésaréyu's permission rather than imprisoning them or dissolving their marriage, as demanded by the King and Queen of Africa. Having thus ensured that at least the Skleroi (and with them the eastern provinces) would be hostile to both the Pendragons and Stilichians rather than allying with either, Arturia next concentrated on shoring up her alliances with the South Slavs to contain the Greeks, while the Stilichians turned to their Italian allies and especially the Venetians to keep the Skleroi out of Italy, though their possession of Greek fire's secrets in Constantinople did make for a naval advantage so formidable that it could not be ignored.

While the high lords and ladies of the Empire traded barbs and blows on the continent, those who had lost the game for control over Britannia were looking for lifeboats out of Europe entirely. Some of those members of the Pelagian Remnant who had tried to hang on to the homes of their forefathers had proven less stalwart than their ancestors, fleeing under inquisitorial pressure to try to join their Pilgrim kindred on the other side of the Atlantic while they still had their lives, which was a perfectly welcome development in the eyes of Aloysius III – the more heretics who chose to run away than hide underground or fight, the fewer resources he had to expend on rooting them out. These Pelagians following the route of their forefathers' brethren often found themselves at the mercy of the Norse who had settled on Ísland & Grǿnland however, and who were considerably more numerous and forceful in exercising their territorial control than the Irish Papar had ever been: those who could not afford to pay for passage, were in danger of finding themselves reduced to thralldom or outright killed by the Norsemen who had no good reason to strike up an alliance with them this far from Britannia.

Those same Norsemen had been following the Pelagians (and those few Irish parties who still dared brave the western passage after it came under their control) further west for some time, but 887 marked the first occasion on which they arrived in force to contest control of Tír na Beannachtaí. Many of these Norse adventurers had met with defeat on British soil before or else left their homeland to avoid the chafing rule of pro-Roman kings like Claudius-Fjölnir, and hoped to find both freedom and the foundation for their own kingdoms in the untamed lands of the far west – that there were yet more Gaels in the way meant they'd have to fight for it, but at least if Flóki's own Irish adventure had been any indicator, these seemed far easier adversaries to overcome than the Romans and their vassals. In that estimate the first Norse invaders of Tír na Beannachtaí, led by a former Great Heathen Army captain and self-titled jarl called Björn the Bear, seemed to have been correct: initial Irish resistance on the island proved too scattered and fractious (indeed, the vast majority of the petty-kings seemed to not care about the newcomers unless directly threatened, or even hoped they would be of use in dispatching their rivals) to prevent them from establishing a permanent settlement on the site of their previous visits to the island's remote northern peninsula, which they called Straumfjörð[2].

6SRTa8s.jpg

Björn the Bear, his family and crew starting work on Straumfjörð – the spearhead of the Norse presence in Aloysiana, or to them, 'Vinland'

On the other side of the planet, the Liang-Khitan offensive against the Jurchens continued apace throughout most of the year. By autumn, the Liao Peninsula had fallen to their combined armies and the Jurchen city of Mukden[3], the result of their amalgamation of the previously existing Chinese cities of Xuantu and Gaimou in north-central Liaodong, looked like it would be next. Furthermore, General Cao Qin's negotiations with the King of Silla to throw off Jin suzerainty and march against the Jurchens from the east seemed close to bearing fruit. Amid these troubles, Shizong took the desperate gamble of amassing the majority of his armies – previously dispersed to wage a campaign of harassment in the countryside which, while successful at slowing the Chinese and Khitans down somewhat, had obviously failed to stop them entirely – for a large-scale attack on the allied forces as they laid siege to Mukden. In this regard the Emperor of Jin found remarkable success, for Cao Qin had grown arrogant and complacent over the course of his seemingly unstoppable campaign, and the Liang general was one of many to fall when the besiegers were crushed in a two-pronged attack between Shizong's horde and the city garrison. Mukden being no Alesia annoyed Gangzong enough to march north himself to succeed where his general had failed, while also motivating Duzong into reconsidering whether to intervene in the Jin's favor after all and to begin moving his still only partly-rebuilt army into position to spring across the Yangtze once more.

Pope Celestine II passed away of old age in 888, and his death immediately opened another avenue for clashes between the Pendragons and Stilichians. Both Africa and Britain strove mightily to promote their candidates, respectively Marco Mancini (a scion of the gens Hostilia, specifically the Hostilii Mancini) and Teodoro Carbo (brother of Britain's grand inquisitor), through the various Senators and Cardinals who the Princess and the Empress had managed to form alliances with in the previous years. However their factions proved evenly matched, unable to gain a decisive advantage over the other; even when the Pendragon-backed cardinals were able to sway the Roman masses against Mancini, they found themselves incapable of organizing a victorious vote in favor of the younger Carbo. Ultimately the partisans of Arturia relented when Aloysius (who was himself becoming extremely old and infirm at this time) pressed for a compromise candidate, and soon one was duly elected in the form of Stefano Altieri, a Benedictine monk turned priest whose family owned modest estates in the vicinity of old Veii.

However, although this Altieri had been elevated to the Chair of Saint Peter on the grounds of his nominal political neutrality, it did not even take a year for him to reveal his true colors as an ally of the Empress' faction – little wonder, then, that Arturia and her allies were willing to drop their support for Carbo to back him in the end. Pope Stephen IV's own elder brother Paolo became the first of the Altieri to sit in the Senate thanks to the patronage of the Viridii (one of the Senatorial families aligned with the cause of Aloysius Artorius), his younger brother Lucio was appointed road-master or viarius of Rome and favorable matches (normally well above the Altieri's station) were arranged for their sisters. In exchange, of course, the new Pope was expected to unconditionally support Aloysius Artorius against any who might seek to undermine his legitimacy and his right to succeed his increasingly ailing father; besides proclaiming undying loyalty to the House of Aloysius and its heir lawfully begotten, Stephen would personally administer the sacrament of Confirmation (as well as his first Communion) to the young prince to further cement his allegiance. Alexandra and Yésaréyu were furious at having been outmaneuvered this time around, but they could hardly un-ring the bell of a Papal election, and thus determined to eventually change the new Pope's mind with an army once the chance to do so presented itself.

UTU9pxu.jpg

Arturia Augusta and the young Aloysius Caesar kneeling before Pope Stephen IV, whose election represented a triumph for the Pendragon faction after years of exchanging evenly matched blows with the Stilichians

Successive waves of Norse migration from Grǿnland to Straumfjörð rapidly gave the Vikings established at the latter the strength to really start contending with the Irishmen of Tír na Beannachtaí, as well as good reason to do so – Straumfjörð and its environs did not have the resources to so easily house & feed the oncoming settlers. Björn the Bear proceeded to win just about every battle he fought with the local Gaels, despite still being outnumbered by them (in large part because the New World Irish had largely absorbed the native Wildermen of the island, those who survived the European plagues they brought with them anyway), for much the same reason his former master had won a string of victories in eastern Ireland: the Norsemen were better-equipped than the Irish, more united, and much more experienced fighters besides – the Gaels might have squabbled among themselves, but their experience in cattle-raiding and skirmishing with one another paled next to the experiences of the Norse veterans of the Great Heathen Army. Björn himself would personally cut down the first High King of Tír na Beannachtaí he came across, Oisín Maol ('Osheen the Bald') – who despite his lofty title, barely commanded the allegiance of a third of Saint Brendan's Island – in a skirmish near Baile-Thiar[4] to the south of Straumfjörð.

The Norse would not expel the Irish from Tír na Beannachtaí in a day or a year, but their victory in the long term was assured, not only due to Björn's own winning streak and the strength of his warriors' sword-arms but also because Norse control of Grǿnland choked off the Irishmen's stream of reinforcements from the Old World while ensuring the Norsemen would never lack for new blood – in short, that the Irish wouldn't even be able to enjoy their numerical advantage (their only real edge on the island) for long anyway. Some of the New World Irish bent the knee to their conquerors, as some eastern Irish clans back home had done before Flóki, but most who didn't die beneath a Norse ax would flee the heathen invaders to join their compatriots on Tír na nÚlla and Nova Hibernia: over the coming decades, this Irish emptying of Tír na Beannachtaí led directly to the consolidation of their presence on the southern colonies. As for the Norsemen, Björn and his heirs did not pursue their fleeing foes too hard, as they both needed to entrench themselves on their new island home and sought new victories to the west rather than the south (especially as they faced stiffening Irish resistance in that direction). Tír na Beannachtaí was to only be the first step in the Norse colonization of what Björn dubbed 'Vinland' or 'wine-land', after the quality of the berries & wild grapes they had found.

zf5k3IT.jpg

Viking raiders assail a Gaelic beachside community on Tír na Beannachtaí, thus bringing one of their Old World conflicts into the New

Speaking of those western lands, the Norsemen were the furthest thing from the minds of the Britons of Annún in 888, for their Gedoui (Old Brit.: 'Cadwy') had finalized an alliance with Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ with the express purpose of finishing off & partitioning the Three Fires Confederacy between their respective kingdoms. Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ naturally intended to take the lion's share of the rival tribes' territories for himself, and baited them into starting hostilities by not only amassing his warriors in an obviously intimidating gesture, but also deliberately placing a small warband on an exposed meadow by the southern shore of Lake Ménuidan[5] with orders to further taunt and harass (but never actually initiate a fight with) the nearby Pottuétomé. When the Three Fires inevitably launched a pre-emptive attack to try to ward off the imminent invasion and wiped out this warband, followed by a much larger effort to besiege the Pilgrims' primary castle west of the Great Lakes at Éayon[6] (which took after the local Wildermen's name for that strategic point on the strait between two lakes, 'Waawiiyaataanong'), Dakaruniku and Annún had their excuse to wipe the rival confederacy off the map.

889 was a relatively calm year in Western Eurasia, most certainly in the Holy Roman Empire where Aloysius III took steps to try to paper over the widening and increasingly obvious chasm between his third wife and his eldest daughter. His efforts culminated in a love-feast (a custom that was otherwise falling out of relevance across most of the Ionian churches) on the evening of the Feast of Corpus Christi this year, in which Arturia and Alexandra served one another and ended the celebration by clasping hands & proclaiming their parental/filial affection for one another in the old Emperor's sight. Yésaréyu also presented his much younger brother-in-law with gifts – a team of Numidian colts, paired with carved wooden figurines of horses – which were actually not poisoned for once, and for which the younger Aloysius was genuinely grateful. The struggle over the Roman succession was far from over, and given enough time and opportunity there was little doubt that the two women and their families would be back to plotting against one another; but at least for that moment Aloysius did succeed in enforcing a truce, a temporary end to their political games, and in compelling them to act like an actual family.

While the Aloysians were dealing with family troubles, the Hashemites were contending with internal affairs of a less blood-related nature. Caliph Ubaydallah still had to keep an eye out for his Alid relatives, who were agitating along the Indo-Roman border on top of the one with the Salankayanas, but he might have been better served to grasp for his ghilman's leash this year. Al-Turani had secured for himself the privilege of marrying and siring heirs, and while he (having obviously been separated from his birth family long ago when he was first recruited for training as a slave-soldier) had no other kin to speak of, he had been busy planting the allies he'd made over the course of his lengthy military & political career in important administrative & political offices across Iraq, Al-Sham, Al-Jazira and the Arabian provinces. Those fellow Turks he had Ubaydallah appoint to high office also tended to use Turkic titles, such as bey and atabeg, in lieu of Arab or Persian ones in another first for the Caliphate. Of course he continued to proclaim his undying loyalty to the Caliph, but speculation that he might intend to establish a kingdom for his growing family inevitably began to mount, and was certainly used by his rivals at court in an effort to undermine the hold he had on Ubaydallah.

8wYbNJH.png

The Islamic generalissimo and vizier Al-Turani issuing new assignments to his allies, now among the new atabegs of the Caliphate, who he hopes to consolidate an unassailable power-base with

Elsewhere, the Liang were back on the offensive against the Jurchens, who had taken advantage of their rousing victory in the Battle of Shenyang to try to push the Chinese back toward the Great Wall. Along the way, Shizong of Jin managed to inflict a shattering defeat on the Khitans as well at the Battle of Jinzhou, where he broke a developing stalemate with his ancestral western foes by slaying his opposite number Jingzong of Liao in single combat. Unfortunately for him, the arrival of the second, even larger Liang army under Emperor Gangzong brought an immediate end to his winning streak: against their overwhelming strength the Jin had little choice but to fall back again, and by the end of 889 they were almost back to where they were right when Cao Qin was laying siege to Mukden. Shizong made efforts to negotiate a truce and even offered to pay tribute to Chang'an, but these talks went nowhere fast between Gangzong's determination to break the backs of the Jurchens and Shizong himself receiving word from Jiankang that the True Han were gearing up to finally join the war and open up a southern front after all (albeit extremely belatedly), which renewed his will to fight.

In the uttermost west meanwhile, Annún and Dakaruniku were moving forcefully against the Three Fires tribes. For his opening move, Gedoui broke the siege of Éayon with an army of 300 men, though the Three Fires Wildermen outnumbered him 3:1. Though significantly outnumbered, the British (who themselves comprised only a third of this vanguard) not only enjoyed the nearly-insurmountable advantage provided by their iron weapons, armor, longbows & horses but also the assistance of their own Wilderman auxiliaries, who had refined their own distinctive martial traditions under Pilgrim tutelage – in particular the Uendage, who learned to compensate for their own lack of armor with huge mantlets made of wood and covered with animal hides as mobile shields. Not only could these mantlets be used to quickly form a formidable shield-wall in conjunction with the British spearmen, but as the Annúnites increasingly took the fight to the Three Fires' own walled towns, they also proved their worth as crude siege equipment to these New World Britons who mostly didn't have the technical knowhow to put Old World mangonels together: aside from being used as impromptu ladders with which to scale low walls or portable bridges to cross ditches with, they could also be used to protect the bearers of siege rams.

As for Dakaruniku, this war marked the first occasion in which Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ got to test the various combat advantages his predecessors had worked to acquire and his own tactics on a large scale. Dakaruniku's expansion and a baby boom fueled by the fertile river valleys which they called home or conquered provided them with a substantial manpower pool, and where the Britons were usually outnumbered by both their own Wilderman allies and the Three Fires warriors, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ was able to comfortably match or even exceed the numbers arrayed against him. And while he humored the Mississippian tradition of arranging duels between selected champions on the eve of battle, in most other regards this great chief proved an unorthodox leader: not only did he insist on the same strict discipline his father and grandfather had imposed on their men, increasingly turning Dakaruniku's warbands into a true army, but he took this discipline a step further and formed his warriors up into coherent offensive columns for combat.

XF2k2Y7.jpg

A captain of Dakaruniku, wielding one of the newfangled iron-headed spears which would represented one of his people's biggest advantages over their Three Fires enemies

Mostly comprised of spearmen with a smaller quantity of axemen nestled in their core, each Dakarunikuan column (typically 50-200 strong) was trained to close in on the enemy as quickly as they could under the covering fire of their archers - Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾs best approximation of European shock tactics, considering his civilization still had no cavalry to speak of – or to form a simpler spear-wall when fighting defensively. Their lack of armor left them highly vulnerable to missiles, of course, but these men moved quickly on their feet and the mere sight of a formation bristling with iron spears descending upon them was usually sufficient to spook the less disciplined Three Fires Wildermen into flight. Even on those rare occasions where a Three Fires warband tried to copy their foe's newfound proficiency for formation fighting and organize into their own spear-wall, their thin ranks proved unable to withstand the impact of the much denser and better-organized Dakarunikuan formations anyway.

In 890, the Emperor of the Roman world suffered a heart attack while working which, while failing to kill him, did render him bedridden and unable to rule for several weeks; his physicians and family had to insist that he not exert himself so strongly in his duties afterward. Alexandra was greatly concerned not only because her father had nearly died, and no matter how gravely she might disapprove of his choice of consort and his fathering of another son she still loved & respected him as a faithful daughter should, but also because in those weeks where he was out of action, it was Empress Arturia who headed the regency council which stewarded the Holy Roman Empire until he made a full recovery. It could not be helped – not only was that Arturia's rightful place and duty as Augusta, but Alexandra's own queenly duties in Gardàgénu kept her well away from the imperial capital most days – but this appointment demonstrated that the Pendragon faction's strength and influence over the official arms of government would only grow as Aloysius' twilight years marched on. The Augustus Imperator had set his formidable determination on clinging to life and challenging the likes of Tiberius & Gordian for the title of 'oldest Roman emperor', presumably until his heir was no longer a child at least, but he wasn't going to recover the vitality of his younger years (indeed, he was increasingly nicknamed 'Aloysius the Old' by the commons) and it was likely that Arturia would gain additional opportunities to fill in for him as his health inevitably declined.

In the distant east, Emperor Gangzong captured Mukden after a much shorter siege: this time, the Jurchens apparently did not dare try to attack his army, which was more than three times the size of Cao Qian's force from before. However, Shizong had evacuated his family from that city well in advance and was himself nowhere to be found, having opted to remain in the field with his army. Another round of negotiations between him and Gangzong went nowhere, as the irate Liang Emperor demanded nothing less than for the Jurchens to renounce their imperial pretensions and become his vassals, which in turn so mortally offended Shizong's pride that he resolved to die rather than bear the humiliation of casting aside his crown & kowtowing before the haughty ruler of Northern China. In the early summer months, the Liang forces (sans a small garrison, of course) left Mukden to hunt down and destroy the Jurchen field army and bring the Jin to heel once & for all.

Aware that he had even less of a chance of defeating this lumbering host in a head-on engagement than he did Cao Qian's, Shizong led the Chinese on a chase into the wildest and least developed northeastern reaches of his realm, in the process having to suppress a conspiracy among his officers who thought his cause was doomed & had made contact with Gangzong's spies to iron out a deal selling him out to the Liang. The Jurchens frequently harassed the Chinese as they advanced, engaging them in near-daily skirmishes and trying to whittle down their supply chain as it extended eastward, but for the most part their efforts seemed to only annoy Gangzong and the Jin Emperor found himself running out of territory to trade for time as the summer months came to an end. With his own army in danger of dissolving entirely, the Jurchen warriors having become despondent at their inability to stop the Chinese onslaught and desiring to scatter & defend their homes while they still could, Shizong found himself forced into trying to take on Gangzong's 150,000 men with little under 40,000 in the autumn.

9I401rs.png

A Liang spearman & axeman working together to bring down a Jurchen cataphract during one of the Jin's more ill-fated raids on their supply lines

In order to avoid simply committing an elaborate form of suicide with this last stand, Shizong chose the battlefield carefully. He abandoned the Jurchen plains and directed his raiders to herd the much larger Liang host toward a certain crossing on the Hailang River, while he himself planted his banner on a forested hill across said river to draw them into attacking there[7]. One of the captured Jurchen traitors was deliberately set free with orders to pretend he had escaped and to guide the Chinese into a deadly trap, with his family being kept hostage to ensure his compliance. The Chinese vanguard braved no small number of Jurchen arrows and javelins to cross the Hailang, and the lack of an immediate Jurchen effort to contest the river-crossing encouraged Shizong to order a huge push into the woods toward Shizong's position – a decision further bolstered by Shizong's unwilling triple agent assuring the Liang Emperor that the Jurchen army had already begun to melt away in terror, and which was reinforced by the Chinese scouts who went first into the woodland encountering only seemingly sporadic resistance from Jurchen skirmishes.

It was only when half of the Chinese army had crossed the Hailang and their forward-most elements had charged uphill against Shizong himself that the bulk of the Jurchens began streaming out of the woods and hills around them, with a division of the heaviest Jurchen troops under their Prince of Jin Bukūri Liucan swinging out from the south and beelining straight for the main river-crossing where thousands of Liang troops were still trying to make their way across the Hailang. The astonished Liang army was routed, with the rear half fleeing the battlefield at the sight of this trap suddenly closing around the front half and those thousands of men who were in the middle of crossing the Hailang being killed by the Jurchens. The front half, meanwhile, was annihilated over several hours of confused fighting in the woods and by the riverbank. The Prince of Liang, Ma Jiao, was slain – shot full of arrows as he tried to swim back across the Hailang – along with many of the Liang lesser princes, officers and ministers who had accompanied their Emperor on this expedition, while a wounded Gangzong himself was captured late at night.

aWdQ9hH.jpg

Bukūri Liucan and the Jurchen heavy cavalry crushing Liang troops underfoot upon springing their trap

Thus the Battle of the Hailang River had gone from a seemingly sure Liang victory to not only a most surprising one for the barbarians who had previously looked to be on the ropes, but one of the biggest victories scored by a barbarian enemy over the Middle Kingdom in many generations. It was such a huge triumph, in fact, that Shizong did not quite seem to know what to do with it: it was his Prince of Jin who led the resurgent Jurchens to pursue and further inflict crippling casualties on the leaderless half of the Chinese army now racing back toward Shanhai Pass & the Great Wall, in the process recovering Mukden and other captured towns, while the Emperor of Jin sat in his tent with Gangzong and pondered what to do next. He eventually settled on demanding a massive ransom of millions of taels of silver & 250,000 bolts of fine silk, the restoration of Jin territories up to the Great Wall, Jin control over the Shanhai Pass and diplomatic recognition as a power equal to the Liang; unfortunately for him, by the time these demands were communicated to Chang'an the Liang court had already written Gangzong off and crowned his second son Ma Lei as Emperor Xiaowu, who promptly refused. Not that it would have done Shizong much good even if this had not happened, because Gangzong died of his injuries (despite the best efforts of the Jurchen medicine-men) around the same time that his messengers reached the Liang capital anyway.

This sudden and dramatic reversal in the fortunes of the Liang was not the end of their woes, for a rival court faction rose up in defense of the claim of Ma Jiao's son (the nephew of the newly crowned Xiaowu) Ma Wan, who had been originally passed over in this time of crisis due to his being underage. They crowned him Emperor XIaomin in Pengcheng, and much of the Liang's eastern domains rallied to the boy's claim from Shandong to the Yangtze. Of course these developments had been an absolute godsend to Duzong of the Later Han, who had been expecting to have to fight a defensive war against the power of the Liang until very recently, and then to put limited pressure on their southern flank until they backed off from his Jurchen allies. The Southern Emperor determined that he would have to be an utter fool to miss this shot, and committed to a much larger scale invasion of the north than he had originally planned for toward the end of 890.

====================================================================================

[1] Iulia Constantia Zilil – Asilah, Morocco.

[2] L'Anse aux Meadows near St. Anthony, Newfoundland.

[3] Shenyang.

[4] Corner Brook.

[5] Near Gary, Indiana.

[6] Detroit.

[7] Between modern Hailin & Mudanjiang.
 
Last edited:

PsihoKekec

Swashbuckling Accountant
It will be interesting to see just how much will Arturia be able to fortify her son's position before three sided war begins and while Alexandra might not be willing to try shortening her father's life, I reckon Skleroi have no such reservations.

Liang are in deep shit, not for the first time though. Jurchen will see the Later Han as duplicitous bastard who let them out hanging, but are now coming to reap the rewards once the Jurchens have done all the heavy lifting.
 

ATP

Well-known member
It will be interesting to see just how much will Arturia be able to fortify her son's position before three sided war begins and while Alexandra might not be willing to try shortening her father's life, I reckon Skleroi have no such reservations.

Liang are in deep shit, not for the first time though. Jurchen will see the Later Han as duplicitous bastard who let them out hanging, but are now coming to reap the rewards once the Jurchens have done all the heavy lifting.
All true.
And,we would have Viking America here,unless HRE send some help there to "liberate" irish.
Or,maybe 4 Americas - Dukuruniku,brits,irish and vikings.

Aloysius could be new emperor,but,if @Circle of Willis prefer him dead,i have interesting idea how to kill him.
In Poland we had old legend about moster killing and eating people near Cracov,killed by some polish hero.

Some western historian,forget name,as usual,had interesting theory - since Cracov was place where once Celts lived,Dragon was last Celt King killed by poles there.

So,maybe made poles murder young Aloysan here for some reason?
 
891-895: Tying tensions

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
While the Romans prayed for the quick recovery of their Emperor, his Empress spent the early months of 891 on using her position as his regent to the advantage of her faction as much as possible. Arturia had wisdom enough to know that the wholesale sacking of officials known to be sympathetic to Alexandra and the Stilichians (no doubt to be replaced with Pendragon partisans) would be too overt an abuse of her still-limited power, especially as Aloysius III himself was still clinging on to both consciousness & life and expected to return to his usual self within a few months. Thus, the Augusta instead settled for slow-walking or (where she thought she could get away with it) stonewalling their promotions and reassigning these Stilichian allies to offices away from positions she considered to be of great strategic value, both militarily and otherwise. In particular, she saw to it that the imperial treasury would be firmly locked down by her allies and capitalized on the retirement of the previous comes sacrarum largitionum (imperial treasurer) to have a legitimate excuse for pushing another Rolandine cousin & ally of hers, Conan de Roazhon[1], into the office as an 'interim' administrator of the Empire's finances, and prevailed upon Aloysius to make his appointment permanent once he retook the reins in the summer of 891.

Elsewhere, having been denied terms by the newly-crowned Xiaowu of Liang and then lost his most valuable hostage late in the previous year, Shizong found himself in a conundrum. The newly-erupted Liang civil war gave him an opportunity to simply take what they would not give, and certainly his son and vassals were clamoring for Chinese blood at this point, but the Jurchens had exhausted themselves in achieving the stunning victory at the Hailang and the Emperor of Jin was aware he didn't actually have the resources to conquer all of northern China – especially because that would also bring him onto a collision course with his Han allies, who were just starting to enter the fight. Ultimately, he was persuaded to not merely burn and pillage as far as he could reach south of the Great Wall but to actually wage a protracted war by Han emissaries, who promised him that they could reach a mutually beneficial partition of the Liang lands once the dust had settled and who were supported in their entreaty by Bukūri Liucan.

While the Jurchen army pushed through the Shanhai Pass, whose garrison's commanding officer surrendered after being offered the safe release of two of his brothers who'd been captured at Hailang River, the Han crossed the Yangtze in force in 891. Their navy smashed the inferior Liang fleets to splinters in battles from Jianli down to Lake Hongze. That the Western and Eastern Liang seemed more interested in battling one another, the rival courts in Chang'an and Pengcheng having apparently wagered that they should try to eliminate the other and unite the Liang under their banner before turning to deal with the Jurchen and Han forces pressing in against them, certainly made it easier still for the allies to achieve their objectives. The Jin laid waste to the northeastern countryside in their vengeful rage, sacking many a village & inadequately-fortified town (but steering clear of harder targets like Fanyang) and sending much loot & slaves home, while Duzong's hosts advanced against the divided Liang on all fronts – in the east, by marching up alongside the Great Canal and battering every Eastern Liang army sent against them they made it as far as the south shore of Lake Hongze (itself formerly a number of separate lakes, until the Later Han merged them as part of the Grand Canal project), and in the west the True Han undid all of their northern rival's efforts to contain them in the Xiangyang-Fancheng region in between their last bout and this one.

Le9uH8g.jpg

Bukūri Liucan, Prince of Jin, and his victorious Jurchens atop the Great Wall by Shanhai Pass

Much blood was being shed in the far west as well, where the Annúnites and Dakarunikuans were moving quickly against the crumbling Three Fires Confederacy. In addition to aggressively harassing their advancing foes throughout their woodland home, the latter tried just about everything they could think of to overcome their more numerous and more technologically advanced foes: digging spike pits and trenches to unhorse the British cavalry, lengthening some of their flint-headed spears into crude pikes, padding their clothes with rags & feathers for greater protection from the longbowmen's stinging arrows, deploying javelineers and tomahawk-throwing warriors in mixed warbands with their spearmen (dredging up faint memories of the ancient francisca-throwers of the unassimilated Franks among the most learned Annúnites), and copying the Uendage's mantlets. Alas, they could not catch up to the either the Britons or Dakaruniku: Gedoui himself remarked that while the Three Fires tribes had innovated a good deal for a people who were many thousands of years behind his own technologically, their complete lack of inexperience at large-scale formation fighting meant that even their most advanced fighters – the aforementioned pikemen and axe-throwers, the former of whom also proved ineffectual in the very forested terrain where the Wildermen should've had their greatest advantage – were still unable to effectively resist his soldiers in field battles. They were developing the tools with which to better oppose the Europeans' own (still far superior) weapons, in his estimation, but knew not how to wield them properly.

The Three Fires Wildermen went on to lose just about every significant battle they fought against the New World Britons and the Dakarunikuans, who were if anything, even more brutal and contemptuous of their opponents than the men of Annún. Following the Fall of Ziibi-miikana[2] ('River Trail', Bry.: 'Sépeméganíe'), where dismounted British knights used their Uendage allies' mantlets to scale the village palisade and then proved no less deadly in close combat in tight quarters than they were on horseback in the open field thanks to their iron armor & weapons, and the capture of the holy island of Michilimackinac by a mixed British-Wildermen force in rowing canoes, the Council of the Three Fires elected to capitulate. Gedoui accepted their surrender on the condition that the Confederacy disband and its constituent tribes all swore allegiance to him as vassals separately, although this demand seems to have been misunderstood (and perhaps not accidentally) by the Ogibwé, Éttaué and Pottuétomé who retained close political and cultural ties between themselves.

However, Dakaruniku was not party to these negotiations and Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ had no intention of stopping before he had seized all the territories he wanted, which he insisted had to include the source of the Míssissépe (a place which he was not aware lay further still beyond the Three Fires lands). Dakarunikuan warriors ceased their northeastern push once they encountered the British, and after exchanging friendly greetings with Gedoui Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ offered to hold mock combats (to first blood, for it would not do for the allies to start killing one another) between selected champions from both armies as a means of kingly entertainment, a source of amusement familiar to the Europeans. To the Britons, the duels which ensued were all in good fun and a means for their knights to demonstrate & hone their skills; Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ, however, was watching to determine whether his men were a match for the Britons yet or not. They weren't, as despite their use of iron weaponry the Dakarunikuans' lack of armor still proved a crippling disadvantage in close quarters, and the 'friendly' Wildermen ended up winning only two out of ten fights. Resolving that outright betraying Annún at this point would be a terrible decision, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ resolved instead to limit their reach by attacking the westernmost Three Fires tribes (mostly Pottuétomé) who had yet to swear fealty to Gedoui or even hear of his terms, then present his own conquests as a fait accompli.

aL4bwCI.jpg

Rí Gedoui of Annún regards a Three Fires attempt to form a pike line (which has already required them to leave their forest cover) ahead of battle with some amusement

In 892 Aloysius, by now seemingly restored to good health and back in full control over the Holy Roman Empire, at first granted a favor to his wife for having capably stewarded the realm while he was bedridden by making her interim comes sacrorum largitionum Conan the permanent holder of that office. This move solidified the Pendragon clique's control over imperial finances and ensured the Stilichians & Skleroi would soon have no room to swipe funds from the treasury for their own uses in the event of civil conflict, as the Breton treasurer inevitably went on to promote those he knew his patrons could trust and to demote, reshuffle and/or stonewall the bureaucrats who expressed a partisan lean towards the cause of the Queen of Africa or her Greek cousins. The Emperor's appointment of the archpriest Charles de Blois, brother of the Blesevin Count Estiene ('Stephen', Fra.: 'Estefen'), to rector (civil governor) of Arles further cemented both the Pendragons' alliance with the Merovingian House of Blois and their control over another site of strategic import.

However, Alexandra proved proactive in seeking opportunities to constrain Arturia's influence and improve her own this year as well, and with Aloysius back in control of his faculties she now had a more sympathetic ear to talk into than her stepmother's. One such opportunity opened up this year when the Archbishop of Toledo, Garçi Nunez, decided that he could no longer hide his sympathy for the Adoptionist Christological position – that is, the idea that Jesus was not actually the literal Son of God by blood but was rather adopted into that position – and published a treatise soutlining his views, anathema though they may have been to established Ionian orthodoxy. Obviously, that could not stand and after refusing to repent of his errors (and in fact accusing the other Ionians of being the ones in error), he was promptly removed from office & remanded into the custody of the Carthaginian Patriarchate, whose theologians were busy writing up detailed refutations of his position in preparation for a trial which would end with him burning at the stake for heresy if he persisted. The real question for the authorities was who should replace him: Hispania had been assigned to the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Carthage and Yésaréyu had a loyal candidate in mind – his own brother Sémon, one among the Stilichian princes who had chosen a clerical path in life – but Arturia saw a chance to meddle and took it.

To that end the Empress promoted the cause of a Spanish priest, Aurelio of Carranque (a town close to Toledo), to her husband on the grounds that Hispania's foremost archdiocese should logically be held by a Spaniard rather than given to a Moorish prince. Her other ally the Pope might have little sway here, and was likely to provoke a harsh reprimand from Carthage if he did try to intervene on her behalf, but as the head of the Ionian Church Aloysius wielded the authority to veto appointments made by (and including the election/appointment of) his Patriarchs – it was just that this authority had almost never been exercised by the Aloysian Emperors, who generally sought to maintain good relations with the Church as part of the foundation of their rule. Arturia's thinking was that she would be able to either plant a Pendragon client directly in the heart of African Spain, or else drive a wedge between Aloysius and the Stilichians if the latter protested fiercely enough to force the ailing Emperor to back down. Unfortunately for her, Yésaréyu sent Alexandra to Trévere alongside the episcopal party who were to argue Sémon's case, and she in turn was able to both defuse the tensions Arturia hoped to exploit and talk her father into allowing Sémon's appointment to proceed.

ihreMZf.jpg

An African servant relays a new message from King Yésaréyu to Alexandra ahead of the latter's latest attempt to obstruct her stepmother's scheming by appealing directly to her father

Over in China, the Later Han continued to advance against both the Eastern and Western Liang, the former of which found themselves crumbling under attacks from three directions while the latter was finally beginning to turn around to address the Jurchen invasion. Han forces approached Pengcheng at the same time that a Western Liang army was, leaving the Eastern Liang court with few options: some of the boy-emperor Xiaomin's advisors advocated surrendering to the other Ma claimant, others claimed this would just get them all killed as traitors and pushed to yield to the True Han instead, and yet others insisted they could still win somehow and to relocate to one of the fortified cities of Shandong so as to continue the fight. Fearing that Xiaowu would kill her son (and probably her too, for masterminding his challenge in the first place) if they did surrender to him and news that Jurchen raiders had pushed as far as Shandong's northern fringe persuaded Lady Miao, regent and effective ruler over the Eastern Liang, to negotiate with Duzong and capitulate to the True Han while they still could in exchange for some supremely luxurious estates to retire to and the hereditary dignity of 'Duke of Liang'. These terms were music to Duzong's ears, who in accepting the surrender of the Eastern Liang, had mostly restored the northeastern territories gained and then lost by his father with a minimum of bloodshed.

On Aloysiana, the continued Dakarunikuan offensive against the Three Fires tribes living west of the Great Lakes resulted in many of said tribes either succumbing before their onslaught or abandoning their homes & fleeing even further west entirely. In this manner Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ was able to extend his power further up the Míssissépe and along the shore of said Great Lakes, until he hit the vast prairies beyond which his warriors could not effectively pursue the fleeing Pottuétomé. However, Dakaruniku's infringement on peoples who were about to become Annúnite vassals and gobbling up territories which the latter believed were supposed to go to them infuriated Gedoui, who demanded his Wilderman allies vacate most of their last round of conquests. In an effort to appease the Britons and avoid hostilities which he wasn't ready for, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ agreed to open another round of talks and to give up some of the lands conquered by Dakarunikuan warriors to their allies.

After extended negotiations over the border, Dakaruniku agreed to abandon both the greater and lesser peninsulas west of Michilimackinac[3] so that the Three Fires Wildermen (mostly Ogibwé & Éttaué) there could bend the knee before Gedoui as agreed, and also ceded the Three Fires territories along the southern shore of Lakes Bran and Ménuidan[4] east of the fort of Shikaakwa[5]. However, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ still he insisted on keeping the southern hinterland and a lion's share of the western Three Fires lands for himself, proclaiming that he had invested too much blood and effort into seizing those territories and that the Britons had not helped in any way, shape or form in securing them in the first place. That must have annoyed Gedoui, and the possibility for protracted conflict between the two allies was averted only by news of the first Viking raids against Annún: Norsemen operating out of Straumfjörð had already wrested the island once known to them as Isle de Sanctuaire, and now to the Irish who conquered it as Tír Termonn, from the Gaels and attacked villages along the entryway of the Sant-Pelagé this year. The reavers were unable and unwilling to test their strength against the defenses of Porte-Réial for now, allowing those Briton settlers and Wildermen friends who fled to this first British settlement on the New World's soil to survive without further molestation there, but this new eastern threat asserting itself compelled the king to express satisfaction with the revised partition of the Three Fires lands and head back east to shore up his defenses there, even if Annún's center of power had long since shifted southwestward.

fvbWrla.jpg

Annún-allied Wildermen fleeing from a Viking raid in the Sant-Pelagé Valley

Come 893 Alexandra did not return home after swaying her father to her (and her husband's) side, but rather stayed in the capital – partly to spend more time with him while he still lived, of course, but also to press her advantage and rack up new ones as long as he still gripped the reins of the Holy Roman Empire. In this year she successfully ensured the nomination of one Massimo di Sorrento as the pro-Stilichian rector for the province of Sicilia, as well as that of Yésaréyu's cousin Gasbarru ('Casper') ey Téyava[6] as vicarius of Italia Suburbicaria, over the objections and counter-proposals of Arturia. These represented significant gains for the Stilichian camp, theoretically giving them mastery over the southern Mediterranean and an unhindered crossing into Italy all the way up to Rome itself, and thus undermined the security the Empress thought she'd won by getting Cardinal Marco Carbo compensation for his withdrawal from the Papal election of 888 in the form of being named Praetorian Prefect of Italy.

Having been unable to overturn these appointments, Arturia first made a final appeal to avert the otherwise inevitable hostilities and keep the peace by proposing a marriage between her son and any one of Alexandra's daughters. This was not the first time such an idea had been floated, though: once more her stepdaughter refused on grounds of consanguinity, and further declined Arturia's offer to secure a Papal dispensation to ensure such a match could go ahead. It seemed that the Queen of Africa was determined that no Pendragon-blooded Aloysian should sit the throne next to God's in place of her own sons, and her own father didn't feel like fighting her on this point (perhaps because he already knew it wouldn't actually work past his own death).

This endeavor having ended in failure as she expected, the Augusta next resolved to appeal directly to the barons of southern Italy to militarily obstruct any Stilichian advance on the Eternal City when her husband should die and the hounds of civil war were loosed across Europe. Aside from the usual grants of lucrative offices and promises of further rewards, Arturia arranged the secret betrothal of her son to the sixteen-year-old Giuditta di Scilla, daughter of Count Marcello of Scyllaeum – a nobleman whose job placed him in command of the fortress sitting right on the Calabrian side of the Strait of Messina, and thus represented a critical strategic acquisition for the Pendragon camp in spite of his comparatively lowly status. The feelings of either Aloysius on the subject of the younger one's marriage did not factor into the calculations of their wife and mother, respectively: the elder would have preferred a loftier match for the future Emperor than a count's daughter, the younger already had another girl on his mind.

XHJjmFM.png

Arturia and Artur discussing the progress of their plans under the cover of a friendly family reunion in Lundéne

Further still in the Orient, Duzong of the True Han found his hope for a repeat of the Eastern Liang's rapid collapse under multi-sided pressure disappointed in his war with the Western Liang – nay, really, the only Liang left standing. Despite his many obvious difficulties, Xiaowu demonstrated that the court of Chang'an may have made the right choice in elevating him over his child nephew by fighting both the Han and the Jurchens to a standstill this year. The wooded mountains of Hanzhong did make it a lot easier for him to withstand the Han's northward push from Xiangyang (even though he lost control of most of the middle length of that great river's course due to a mix of lesser defeats and defections), while his reordered cavalry drove back a westward Han offensive on the central plains and also successfully contended with the exhausted & overextended Jurchens up north. All in all, while it would be far too optimistic to say that the Liang had already turned the tide, as of this year Xiaowu could at least accurately state that he managed to staunch the bleeding and prevent a rapid disintegration of the Liang state in its entirety.

Elsewhere, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ continued mounting expeditions to find the source of the Míssissépe. To attain better chances of success, he conscripted the newly conquered Three Fires Wildermen to serve as guides, knowing that at least some among the Ogibwé and Pottuétomé knew where it was. When the first among his new exploratory parties got lost or failed to return at all, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ came to believe that his guides were deliberately sending them in the wrong way: now not only did any Three Fires guide who returned with an unsuccessful expedition face the noose, but the guides' families were to be taken hostage and if the Dakarunikuans also failed to return, they would be brutally executed for the misdeed of the guide, regardless of whether it be an honest blunder or intentional crime. The great chief's ruthlessness finally bore fruit in September of this year, when the band of his captain Čiriíkuríta ('Eagle-Eye') returned after five months in the wilderness with news that they had successfully traced the length of the Míssissépe to a place which their guide called Omashkoozo-zaaga'igan[7] or 'Elk Lake'.

Now by this lake they had planted the first known standard of Dakaruniku, a deer's skull and a dead crow nailed to a pole – after being impressed by the sight of the fading banner of the Britons of Annún he had decided he needed a standard of his own, though theirs was not as intimidating or nightmarish as what he had come up with. While the location was much too remote for Dakaruniku to settle it, this discovery represented enough of a symbolic victory that, when coupled with his actual victory over the Three Fires, Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ decided the time had come to proclaim himself Šaánu-šaánuraan (Miss.: 'chief of chiefs') – that is to say, the first Emperor of the Mississippian Empire, whose bounds now reached so far beyond Dakaruniku – and to be crowned as such in his capital with regalia forged from gold and copper, while also parading artifacts plundered from the Three Fires lands and tribute from the many tribes & villages who had bent the knee before him. In fact Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ claimed sovereignty over the whole of Sax'awaákat (Miss.: 'Turtle Island'), which was what he and his people called the Aloysianan continent, although actually realizing such a lofty claim was still ludicrously far beyond his Mississippians' (admittedly considerable and still improving, considering how far they had come in just a century) capabilities.

P7FUlg6.png

Haraánuʾhuunawiísuʾ receiving tribute from a vassal at his coronation as the first Mississippian Emperor

894 inflicted another personal tragedy upon the House of Aloysius, as the Emperor suffered a debilitating stroke some weeks after his 74th birthday this year. Whether it be by the hand of God, his own iron constitution & willpower, or some combination thereof Aloysius the Old still managed to survive, fervently clinging on to life while his heir still remained underage as he intended; but the left side of his body was paralyzed and it became even more apparent to the imperial court that the man who had ably steered the Christian world through both good times and bad for much of the ninth century was not long for this world. Arturia once more took up the reins of government as her husband's regent, and unlike the last time where Aloysius eventually recovered to reassert control over the Holy Roman Empire, this time it seemed certain that she would be governing in his stead for the rest of his few remaining days.

The Augusta's second regency was fraught with more trouble than the first, as she both intended to use her position to advance her family's interests in a more overt manner than before (now that she feared the possibility of Aloysius III getting up from bed and undoing her more partisan actions a good deal less) and the factional intrigues within the Empire escalated from court maneuvering and backroom dealing to outright murder. The rector of Campania, Giorgio Consino, was found dead in a Neapolitan bordello in the autumn of this year; the Stilichians had good reason to assume that he was eliminated by the Pendragon faction, as not only did Arturia seize the chance to immediately replace him with a known Pendragon-Aloysian partisan, but after navigating the Neapolitan criminal underworld those Italian agents Yésaréyu assigned to this case reported that the brothel owner was on the payroll of a Pendragon spy ring operating from nearby Rome. Believing that the Empress had resorted to assassination to weaken their man Gasbarru's grip on southern & central Italy, the Stilichian king and his queen prepared their own lethal retaliation – just as hoped for by the real mastermind of the hit, Prefect Michael Skleros, who had worked through his own agents among Naples' Greek community (including the prostitute who was the one to kill Consino in his sleep) with the hope of push the Aloysians & Stilichians toward open confrontation, that they might exhaust one another and give himself a freer hand in the eastern provinces.

These intrigues had little relevance to and impact on another series of plans unfolding on the Empire's far northwestern frontier. 894 marked the commencement of a strong Anglo-Pictish expedition led by Ealdorman Oswin against Map Beòthu out of Edinburgh, with the ultimate objective of toppling the Witch-King and restoring the sons of Dungarth to their rightful seat. Now neither the Picts nor the Anglo-Saxons had been left in especially good shape by the rampage of the Sons of Ráðbarðr, but the latter enjoyed the advantage of being vassals to the Romans and Britons: thus in order to keep his Rædwalding allies and in-laws happy, Artur had furnished the expedition with additional supplies and a 1,200-strong contingent of British knights and archers. Map Beòthu first faced the invaders on the hill of Chreag Mhór[8] and despite being outnumbered – he brought fewer than 2,000 men against Oswin and the Map Dungarth brothers' 4,200 – the Picts at first used the terrain and their long spears to great effect in holding back the English heavy infantry, British cavalry and their legitimist Pictish supporting troops. However he could not effectively answer the British longbowmen's volleys, which made quick work of his own skirmishers and steadily whittled down his static infantry formations as they stood on their hill, and he knew that to charge downhill to get at his foes would give Oswin the chance to seal his doom that the English earl was waiting for. Ultimately the Witch-King held out until nightfall gave him respite from the Britons' arrows and a chance to sneak away, and he further abandoned Pheairt in favor of waging years of protracted guerrilla conflict against Máelchon following the latter's coronation upon the holy stone of Scuinn.

3zwxnZG.jpg

Map Beòthu retreating into the Pictish Highlands with the intent of fighting the Sons of Dungarth, and all who would support them, some more forever

While the Romans in the west continued their slow march toward a succession crisis, those in the east faced a crisis of a far more direct and violent nature. No fewer then half a dozen Alid emirs had autonomously come together to assail and carve out conquests from the Indo-Roman kingdom, nominally claiming to be spreading Islam in the name of their cousin the Caliph but assuredly primarily motivated by the possibility of self-enrichment, and now under the overall direction of Abd al-Rahman ibn Al-Ash'ath – the most senior and experienced commander among their number – they struck in this year. Abd al-Rahman had taken advantage of the decline of central Hashemite authority to engage the Indo-Romans in various skirmishes, testing their border for weaknesses and also getting a handle for the character of the incumbent King in Peucela, Theonesios: that this latest Belisarian monarch did not seem to have the martial prowess and spirit of his precursors was taken as a most encouraging sign by the Alids, for whom the Belisarians had long been a massive thorn in the side. This Alid invasion was off to a good start: at Abd al-Rahman's instruction Tariq ibn Tahir fooled the Indo-Romans with a diversionary attack down south, after which the other Alids captured Bactra (Balkh to the Saracens) and Aornos (which the Alids renamed Kuhandiz, after the Persian term for 'old fort') up north and threatened Kophen.

895 marked the continued drawing and hardening of battle-lines across Christian Europe as the factions of the Caesar, the King of Africa and the Bastard of Antioch ramped up preparations for the conflict each now saw as inevitable. The brothers of Felice Ramolino assassinated the pro-Pendragon Praetorian Prefect of Italy, the half-Bavarian Oberto Cavalcabò, in this year. Now ostensibly they carried out the murder because Oberto had dishonored their family by carrying on a dalliance with their sister (a scandal magnified by him being more than twice her age), and indeed they only had the opportunity to kill him in the first place because they caught him trying to sneak out of a manse he had rented for her, but the Pendragons had not been quick to forget their brother had slandered Aloysius Artorius as a bastard and died for it.

While the Ramolinos tried to flee to Africa ahead of the Empress' inevitable wrath, Alexandra had hoped to present the case for a pro-Stilichian successor to her father. Unfortunately for her, Aloysius III had not recovered from his stroke at this time and Arturia used her authority as regent to instead ram through the appointment of Odoteo (Got.: 'Odotheus') della Grazia, the Bishop of Padua and brother to the Paduan duke Torismondo (Got.: 'Thorismund'), to that office instead. In so doing she solidified the allegiance of the Italo-Gothic lords and northern Italy, in contrast to the much more fractious and Stilichian-influenced south. However, if she assumed that the murder of Cavalcabò would be the extent of her in-laws' revenge for her own presumed involvement in the death of Consino the year before, Arturia would be disabused of that notion after an attempt was made on the life of her son in the autumn of 895: supposed brigands fired on the younger Aloysius while he was out on his morning ride by Lake Pelso, but his bodyguards were able to defend him and kill all but one of the would-be assassins.

w10COUl.jpg

Arturia Augusta holding court as her husband's regent, this time most likely for the rest of his remaining days

The survivor insisted that they were but random bandits who thought they'd found an easy mark in the obviously rich and splendidly-dressed boy to his dying breath under interrogation, the only hint he gave that something might be off being a mention of their gang's leader (who was among the deceased) having been tipped off to the prince's route by a new associate of his. Unsurprisingly, Arturia did not buy this explanation and saw the hand of Alexandra & Yésaréyu behind this affair – had the 'brigands' succeeded, the Pendragon faction would have lost their claimant and the Stilichians in turn would attain victory practically by default, since Aloysius III was certainly in no shape to try to conceive a fourth replacement heir now. An Aloysian attempt to poison Africa's ruling couple on New Year's Eve in retaliation went awry as Yésaréyu called his feast off after one of his cousins drank the poisoned wine intended for him & his wife; although in turn the Stilichians failed to capture the actual Aloysian agent who had wormed into their staff, and ended up torturing some genuinely innocent cooks and servers to death in their search for the culprit instead. The Skleroi took advantage of these troubles to begin trying to push Thracian squatters whose families had been living south of the Danube off their land, but Arturia was not sufficiently distracted to give them a pass and ruled in favor of the Thracians this year.

East of Rome, the Alids continued to press their advantage against the Indo-Romans. 894 brought with it the fall of Kophen to Saracen swords at long last following the defeat of Theonesios' relief force (in large part due to the defection of several of the Paropamisadae tribes which contributed troops to this army), a victory which the Muslims had been hoping to attain for 200 years at this point; for the Indo-Romans meanwhile, though they had moved their capital to the more secure Peucela on the other side of the Caucasus Indicus long ago, this loss of the first Belisarius' capital was still a painful blow, and not just in a symbolic sense either. With Kophen now in their hands and duly renamed Kabul, the Saracens had a considerably easier time overrunning the remainder of central and southern Bactria still in Indo-Roman hands, while the latter's garrisons and allies had to evacuate to the northeast to avoid being encircled and destroyed utterly – Adinapura[9] would have to replace the fallen Kophen as their primary stronghold west of the great mountains now.

Theonesios, for his part, called upon his Indian allies to aid him in beating back this newest round of Islamic aggression. Unfortunately for him the Chandras were still too wary of the Muslims' strength relative to their own, but the good news was that the Salankayanas were made of sterner stuff and the Samrat Vijayalaya demanded the Caliph rein his vassals in. Since the court in Kufa couldn't do that when they were harassing his frontier, and even now only issued a half-hearted complaint to the Alid expeditionary leaders mixed with a message of congratulations at striking such a blow against the infidel, the Indian emperor promptly prepared to march with the intent of teaching them a lesson.

eMhi3wY.png

Indo-Roman mosaic depicting the army of Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Ash'ath marching against Theonesios

Meanwhile in China, the True Han and the Liang agreed to a truce so that Duzong could begin negotiating terms for the end of hostilities between the rival empires, most likely expecting to just be able to restore the maximal gains of his predecessors (but which he would better fortify against the Liang, of course). This gave Xiaowu a free hand against the Jurchens, which he sought to take the fullest advantage of by expelling them from northern China and ensuring they would not be able to threaten the Liang or help out the Han (if they were even still inclined to do so at all after how Duzong had used them) for generations to come. For much of the year he seemed well on the way to succeeding in this goal: his forces killed Shizong in the Battle of Yongping[10] late in spring, pushing the Jin back through Shanhai Pass by mid-summer, and returning to devastate their already once-scourged lands once more soon afterward.

However, fate had more surprises in store for China. As Xiaowu marched across Liaoning and the Jurchen homelands, scorching everything in his path and finally successfully inciting the Silla into revolting against their nomadic overlords as he did so, Bukūri Liucan – now set to be remembered as Zhongzong of Jin – managed to ambush the Liang army at the Battle of Xiangping, exploiting the latter's renewed (over)confidence and assumption that there was no way the Jin were still in any shape to resist them after all the effort they had to expend to come back from the brink the first time around and the walloping Xiaowu had inflicted upon them more recently. This engagement was one furiously fought between mostly the Jin and Liang cavalry, both of whom had left the bulk of their infantry behind (the former to move more quickly into position to ambush, the latter to push more quickly and wreak havoc more efficiently throughout the Jurchen territories), and it ended in both Emperors killing each other: Zhongzong impaled Xiaowu on his lance, only for the latter to then pull him closer with said lance and split his skull with a final, spiteful mace-blow powered by his last breath. Still, the battle ended in a Jin victory as the Liang fled following the demise of a second Emperor within less than a decade and Zhongzong would be celebrated by his people for having pulled off another triumphant turnaround from such a disadvantageous position in his extremely brief reign, though his own successor Minzong was hardly in any position to follow up on it.

The death of Xiaowu without a clear successor left the court in Chang'an at a quandary. He left no sons, only two young daughters from his brief marriage and handful of concubines, so there was no acceptable heir of the body for them to rally to. Switching to accept Ma Wan as Xiaomin was not possible even if they wanted to, since the boy had already renounced his imperial pretensions and was firmly placed under True Han custody. The next oldest Ma brother, Ma Qiang, was mentally handicapped and thus not a suitable heir either. The possibility of one of the Liang's generals usurping the Ma clan and establishing their own dynasty was there, but not only had the wars with the Han & Jurchens thinned their ranks, but such a usurpation would not go unchallenged by the others and thus certainly guarantee another civil war at a time when Northern China could ill afford one. Into this gap stepped Duzong, who pledged to respect the rights of the Liang nobility & bureaucracy and to protect them against the Jurchens – who, being barbarians, were ultimately an enemy to Chinese civilization, even if the Han had found them a useful tactical ally – if they would but accept him as their Emperor, noting that his grandson and eventually successor Liu Yang was already married to one of Ma Wan's sisters. Thus the True Han would realize their ambition of reuniting China, and mostly diplomatically at that (certainly their chances of doing so militarily had not been great, as proven by this war and their previous ones with the Liang), after more than a century of division – though they had many challenges to face to make that last, starting with integrating the surly northern nobility into their bureaucratic southern-based regime, while the Jurchens were left practically spitting blood at this latest betrayal and cursed the Chinese nation as one of backstabbers, never to be trusted again.

496px-Zhao_Kuangyin_is_proclaimed_emperor.png

The remaining lords and armies of northern China acclaiming Duzong as their Emperor, thereby fulfilling their dynastic ambition of reuniting China. Now they just had to hold it together, and hopefully avoid the same bout of ill fortune which had just toppled their rivals

====================================================================================

[1] Rennes.

[2] Lansing, Michigan.

[3] Michigan's Upper Peninsula & Wisconsin's Door Peninsula around Green Bay.

[4] Essentially the northern coast of Ohio & Indiana.

[5] Chicago.

[6] Tigava – El-Kherba, Algeria.

[7] Lake Itasca, Minnesota.

[8] Craigmore, near modern Aberfoyle.

[9] Jalalabad.

[10] Lulong County, Hebei.

And with this, we're now one (normal) chapter away from entering this TL's final century! As you can guess, the endgame being so close is why I'm on the verge of finally bringing the long-simmering conflict in the HRE to a boil while starting to tie other major threads up. However before I get there, it's occurred to me that I actually haven't posted a single narrative chapter for this whole past century (the last one was the Chinese one from 775), so I'll be fixing that with the next chapter.
 
Last edited:

ATP

Well-known member
@Circle of Willis ,great job.
China is united,America divided between vikings,Duruniku,irish and britons,and Indo-romans could fall here.
And,HRE would face civil war,just like Caliphate.

When you end your story in 1000AD,we could have more states there,althought many of them would claim to be real HRE or Caliphate.
By the way - could you add one chapter what would happen till our times? becouse with faster technology progress,we could have Caliphate ,China and HRE fighting over Mars now !
 

shangrila

Well-known member
Yet another Han Dynasty. No way historians after its fall would continue to use "True Han" though, but Later Later Han would surely be silly. Maybe "Southern Han" if the capitol stays at Jiankang? Though the capitol would have to move north eventually if war with the Jurchens continues.
 
One Empire, three Emperors

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
Roadside near Immurium[1], Bavarian Noricum, 17 July 897

The Caesar of the Roman world hummed away as he descended the Noric manse's[2] stairs with a spring on his step, in the process making final adjustments to the brooch with which he pinned his paenula about himself. Haste and secrecy required his party to travel with a minimum of servants and baggage, among which the princely purple robes which his station merited were certainly not counted, and so Aloysius Artorius had come to this place and would leave it in his much simpler blue-and-white traveling garb. No sooner had he leaped over the last stair-step and rounded the corner did he behold the reason as to why he would forsake such luxury even temporarily: in a few more quick strides he had come right up to his new wife, then idly lounging on the biclinium before their breakfast table with her back to him, and threw his arms around her shoulders. "Morning, Lena."

Elena Radovidova giggled at her princely husband's touch and his nuzzling of her straight flaxen locks, presently unbound from any veil and thus cascading loosely down her back, and raised her own hands to his lean arms. "Good morning to you too, Aloys." Here, far away from Prince Radovid's court (much less his father's back at the capital, whose intricacies the former was trying to imitate), the young lovers had no need for the stifling protocols which otherwise defined most of their daily activities: they no longer had to be Flavius Aloysius Caesar and Lady Elena, he was just her Aloys and her, his Lena.

"I take it the servants are already preparing our first meal." Aloysius remarked once they had broken their embrace and he'd seated himself next to her with a relaxed sigh. After all the anxieties he had ensured and the stressful planning that went into last evening's wedding – using a routine reunion trip to the capital for cover, finding a willing priest and more witnesses than just her father, being briefed on the details of how the ceremony itself worked immediately beforehand, and securing both the church for the nuptials and this manse for their overnight stay – it was nice to unwind at last. "What are we breaking our fast with?"

"They should be almost done baking the bread – I've instructed them to spread moretum[3] on yours the way you like it, of course. Anchovies with an arugula sauce, poached eggs…" Elena explained, stretching, while Aloysius nodded along. Well, there was yet another good reason as to why he elected to wed her the instant Mother revealed to him that she had set up a betrothal for him behind his back. Aloysians were generally not the sort to let others rule over and dictate to them, certainly not in matters of love, and in their many years together at her father's court he and Elena had become familiar with one another down to their eating habits. He doubted this Sicilian stranger Mother had pulled out of the ether for him would know to pass his preferred recipes on to the kitchen staff, so that each meal would be cooked to his exact liking. "Fresh berries, apples, dates, and mulsum[4] too. And tea, naturally."

"Perfect." Aloysius answered with a yawn. Mother could not function without first having a cup of tea in the morning, like most Britons since they first got a taste for the draught more than a century ago, and her son was little different. "I am well aware that the priests say breaking our fast so early in the day with the ientaculum is an indulgence to be avoided. But I think we'll both need it to recover our strength after last night." He grinned across the table at Elena, and was pleased to see that she couldn't suppress a smirk, even as she turned away while her cheeks turned as red as the apples they would be eating shortly. The British priests to whom Mother had entrusted his instruction had many interesting ideas, but their thoughts on the stern bounds of austerity with which a prince must confine himself did not fall in that category.

"Perhaps I can indulge it this once, love, but I shan't again for many years. If all goes well I'll be getting fat enough soon, and you're to blame for that." Elena playfully chided back, and now it was Aloysius' turn to look bashful. "It would be for the best if I avoid eating more than I must for both mine own sake and our child's, if I'm to have any hope of retaining my figure." Well, the Caesar might be a young man with little wisdom as to the ways of the world, but even he knew that childbearing was sure to warp his Elena's willowy figure, which thus far was quite different from the voluptuous one of his sister (and, he was told, many other past Aloysian princesses). Mother only had him and he'd witnessed how she still hardly ate anything at the feasts Father arranged every time they reunited as a family, and the same was true of Sister too on the even rarer occasion that they'd see each other.

"Yes…our child, if the Lord smiles upon us and one is born to us soon." Now that the thought of becoming a father had sunk in for Aloysius, he found it to be a daunting concept indeed. Truth be told, he had little idea as to how to approach that duty: Prince Radovid had been more of a father figure than his actual father and namesake, the distant Emperor who looked more like a grandfather to him and sent him away from Trévere when he was still a young boy. He supposed they should start thinking about names, at least. "If He sees fit to bless us with a boy, I'll have him baptized under mine own name." Aloysian tradition dictated that an Emperor with a Latin name should be succeeded by one with a Greek name, and vice-versa. But Father already bucked that tradition, and he broke the one regarding not marrying Slavs of relatively lowborn origins. And besides, according to Mother, the Greeks were rallying to another family opposed to her and Uncle Artorius anyway, these Skleroi of Constantinople.

Perhaps Aloysius would bend and break more when he was Augustus Imperator: the British Church of his mother had imparted upon him their adamant belief in the dignity & freedom of man which enslavement represented an innately unjust imposition upon – a line of thought they claim to trace back to Saint Patricius the Apostle to Hibernia and not the heresiarch Pelagius, to whose spiritual heirs they refuse to concede this concept. (And certainly the look on Elena's face when they passed by a slave market holding Slavs just like her people – just like her – on their last trip to Rome further motivated him to agree with the priests.) If it were not possible to strike the chains off every slave in the Empire, Aloysius resolved that he should find some way to ease their condition and bring them more speedily to Christ's light at the least, when he had power to do so. He gave his wife a long look, thinking. "And if it's a girl – you can decide."

"That is a great privilege you have conferred upon me just now, Caesar, almost as great as choosing one such as I to bear your heir in the first place." Elena replied with a sincere smile, resting her hands on her still-flat stomach. "I would not be honest if I said I hadn't already given this matter some thought. 'Maria' was my first instinct, to honor the Virgin Mother of our Savior. But I shall have to think on it some more, of course." Through her mother the young woman could claim descent from the eighth-century Pannonian Count Trajan of Mogentiacum, and by extension from Bleda the Hun, but they both knew that wasn't what defined her heritage. Doubtless remembering that her grandfather was born a slave kept her from so easily and proudly giving her own name to a future daughter, unlike Aloysius.

"There is no other I would have even begun to consider, dear." Aloysius reassured his wife, whose smile grew a tad wider at his words, and placed an arm around her. Fortunately her own father had been more than happy to go along with their plan to elope, so much so that he volunteered to serve as a witness to their hastily-arranged wedding the night before in Immurium's church. This would have been a lot more difficult if Prince Radovid had been of the same mind as Mother. "Maria…that would be a fine choice, yes. One borne by many imperial princesses since the Empire turned to the light of that namesake's Son."

Servants came forth from the kitchen with the breakfast trays in hand almost as soon as Aloysius finished speaking, and for the next few minutes the newlyweds ate amid idle chatter. Only once they were done with their bread & fish and halfway through their cups of mulsum, did their conversation take a more serious turn again. "So…how do you expect your mother and father to take the news, Aloys?"

"Father should not mind overmuch. Your father, Prince Radovid – he's the son of Father's own best friend, I remember that much. Why should he be upset that his own son married the granddaughter of his own closest and dearly departed companion?" Aloysius answered with a shrug, perhaps a little too optimistically. "Mother…will disapprove, of that I have full certainty. As I told you yesterday, she intended to foist some Sicilian lady on me, supposedly for reasons of strategy or somesuch. But with your own father as a witness to the wedding, she will have no road open to her other than to accept my choice of wife, of that I'm equally certain." He continued with determination in his voice. The Caesar loved his mother, of course, but that did not mean he would agree to be her puppet in all things.

"Far be it from me to question the wisdom of your choosing myself, Aloys, but I have to wonder if maybe your mother had a reason for arranging that match?..." Elena queried, leading Aloysius to run a hand through his own golden curls. In truth, it was not even Mother's fury that was of the highest concern to him, but rather Sister's scheming. Admittedly there was no great love lost between them, due to the massive gulf in age they might as well have been strangers to one another; and moreover Mother had denounced Alexandra as the ultimate source of the rumors about his supposed bastardy years ago, when he walked in on her pitching an uncharacteristic fit of rage with Uncle Artorius, and one of his last thoughts before drifting off to sleep had been of how she might have used his rushing into marriage with Elena to her advantage. The thought that Mother had arranged his own betrothal to head off another such scheme did occur to him, but he could let nothing stand between him and his first friend & love regardless.

"It would not matter if she did. I am not some meek boy she can order around, as if she were my mistress rather than my mother, and I would sooner have you by my side for the rest of my days than even a princess of Serica or the witch who can raise for me all the legions of Trajan and Septimius Severus." Aloysius finally answered, obstinate. Supposedly his having Mother's green eyes rather than Father's Aloysian blues was the reason why such rumors had even a smidge of credibility: well then, with any luck, any child of his would inherit Elena's blue eyes (lighter though they may be than Father's and Sister's, resembling the sky above rather than the seas below) and thus be immune to having such aspersions cast upon their parentage.

"Again your kind words gladden my heart with sudden joy, Caesar." Elena beamed up at her husband, who found the sight vindicating his decision in spite of all the ill-considered risks he had probably taken to get here. "I am but a woman, and not even the eldest or greatest of my father's daughters. I fear the most I can do for you in return is to bring joy to you also, but I promise I shall do so however I can until the last of our days."

"Well, marriage is until death, no? And I – " Aloysius' answer was cut short by the sound of a heavy fist knocking on the door all of a sudden, causing Elena and the servant bringing them new cups of wine to freeze up while he scanned the room for his sword. Were his guards asleep on the job?

"It is I, boy." The deep, German-accented growl in rough Francesc coming from the other side of the door could only have belonged to Adalric of Swabia, the grumpy old warlord who Aloysius could never quite think of as his cousin. The difference in age between them made the one between him and Alexandra look entirely ordinary by comparison. "Let me in at once, I have dire news to share with you. If you are wondering, the younger Radovid and all your men have heard it from me already, and 'tis why they know better than to try to keep me from you."

"…very well, very well." Aloysius huffed and motioned for the servant, once he was done setting the wine down, to go and unlock the door. As soon as he did so, the grizzled grey-bearded Adalric stalked into the room, followed by a troop of Swabian swordsmen and then Prince Radovid, who looked more than a little nervous for a man who was followed by twice as many in his own Dulebian retainers. As befitting one of the Aloysian house the Caesar had grown taller than most as he entered manhood, Adalric included, but the latter's formidable presence always had a way of making him (and other men, he suspected) feel short. Further surprising Aloysius, all the men were clad in full armor, save the helmets which they carried beneath their arms. "Did my mother send you?"

"She did, yes. Your mother has dispatched me to bring you back to Trévere at once." Adalric began. "You see, your – "

"If this is about the wedding to that Judith of Sicily, she would do well to call it off at once." Aloysius interrupted with a dismissive wave, defiant. This was the moment he had been mentally preparing for for some time. "I would hope Prince Radovid there has told you as much already, considering he secured this manse and the priest for the wedding ceremony last night, but I am already a married man. You behold by my side here Helena of Dulebia, Caesarina of the Holy Roman Empire."

"Oh, he told me, but…Caesarina? You are mistaken, O Most August and Christian Majesty. I think you are presenting to me an Augusta instead." Adalric did not crack a smile, but he sounded unsurprised and even faintly amused by what he said, and allowed a moment's silence for his words to sink in before continuing. "The news I bring to you is that your father, the elder Aloysius, is no more. He passed away in his sleep a week ago, and that is why your mother wants you back in Trévere as soon as humanly possible. Vivat Flavius Aloysius Augustus Quartus! Vivat Helena Augusta!" The King of the Swabians fell down to one knee, followed by the other Teutons and Dulebians and the servant in the dining room, while Elena sprang to her feet and clasped her hands before her mouth, looking to the new Holy Roman Emperor with a stricken expression.

"What…but, I…" Aloysius IV stammered, regarding his cousin and father-in-law – nay, his new vassals with utter incredulity. The shock came first, flushing away the defiance he had mustered before, then an overwhelming sensation of dread which froze his joints and paralyzed him to his seat. Father had not been well these past few years, that he had seen for himself (to his sorrow, even if they were not nearly as close as himself and Mother), but it was still difficult to the new Emperor to ever imagine the old titan who had kept the Arabs, the steppe nomads and the Norsemen all at bay with a steel sword and his steely will dead.

With his mouth dry as dust and feeling as though iron hands were crushing his lungs, it took Aloysius a moment to regain presence of mind enough to grumble, "Very well. On to Trévere, then." He glanced at his pillbox cap, hung up on the wall, and rose to take it while the servants began packing at once. However he stopped when he glanced at his Empress, who seemed quite fearful and tremulous herself but could not take her eyes off of him, and added, "But first, leave us for a moment."

The staff and the federate kings obliged, retreating from the dining room to leave the imperial couple alone. Only then did Elena step forward to draw the new Augustus into a gentle embrace, placing her head against his lean chest as she did so. "I'm so sorry, Aloys." She remarked sadly.

Aloysius did not reply immediately, though he did return her hug with a tight one of his own. Truth be told, he was not only sorrowful but also terrified at this moment, and not only of the serious imperial responsibilities which the priests had drilled into his head from a very young age. Both Mother and Uncle Artorius seemed to be more and more on-edge every time he visited them, and while Alexandra had seemed amiable enough the last time they met, the former had warned him not to trust her – that she and her husband, Gaiseric the Moor, were plotting to steal the purple out from underneath him. That not only had they been behind the plot to discredit him as a bastard, but that they had tried to kill him too, all those years ago when he was out on a morning ride by Lake Pelso and the brigands rushed him from the woods. Thank God his loyal guards and hounds had been able to defeat them that time.

"So am I, Lena." When the Emperor spoke, he found himself struggling to keep the tidal wave of emotions he was feeling out of his voice. "Sorry that we married days after my father's death, and that you will now be at the center of whatever fresh hell is coming for us, for Rome. I wish we could have wedded openly, and in better times than this." Aloysius had not openly wept in the eight years since his favorite hound died, for that was not conduct befitting the heir to the Roman throne, but he found it harder to hold the tears back than ever before now.

"Well, it is as I vowed yesterday: I will be true to you through better times and worse both, till death do us part." Elena replied, trying her utmost to sound reassuring. "You have Father, and all my kindred too. My brothers and sisters found matches among our neighbors, and for all our differences, I pray that we Sclaveni can overlook our grudges long enough to secure your throne for you. But even if they do not, whatever danger might loom overhead, we shall face it together."

"Yes, so we shall. More than that, I promise we shall overcome it together, as well." Aloysius felt some strength and resolve returning to him, drawing warmth from his wife to thaw his frozen joints and straighten his back. He found it difficult to believe a single word he had just said himself, but he had to try to be brave for Elena's sake and the rest of their family. When they broke their embrace, the Augustus Imperator let out a sigh before marching over to retrieve his cap. "Let us not keep Mother and the rest of the court waiting back at Trévere any longer. With any luck my sister, King Gaiseric, the Senate, the Greeks – they'll all set aside whatever mad schemes for power they might have in mind and make no attempt to obstruct God's will from being done, for it must be His dictate that I have lived so long to rule from the throne next to His own as every Emperor since the first Aloysius did." Hopefully he hadn't used up all his favor with the Most High in pulling off his elopement without a hitch, and God would grant him a peaceful transition of power too.

Byrsa Citadel of Gardàgénu, 29 July 897

"I think your concerns about moving the legions faithful to our cause over the Straits of Messana are overblown, darling." The Queen of Africa confidently proclaimed to her husband as she reclined on the couch opposite his, while a slave immediately began waving a great peacock-feather fan to drive the African heat away from her. A night's worth of tears had already been shed when she heard of Father's demise, long expected though it had been; now it was time to act on the schemes they had been drawing up for years, to claim that which was rightfully her inheritance and that of her children.

"Pray tell why you have come to think so, wife." Answered the Dominus Rex Yésaréyu, a broad-shouldered swarthy man who at present was merely using his great reach to swipe some honeyed dates off their table. Little remained of the Vandalic looks of his ancestors now, not even their once-great height, after centuries of living and ruling and marrying among the Moors. "You know that crossing those straits where Scylla and Charybdis have long caused havoc is one of the most immediate challenges we face. If the army fails to cross over into Italy quickly enough, before your stepmother's creatures can fully prepare…"

"My stepmother's son has announced to the world that he is married. To a woman other than his betrothed." Alexandra filia Aloysius said, triumph and amusement alike filling her voice as she helped herself to a cup of wine. Ah, it was a strong and smoky red from Sicily, all the more fitting for a wine which should taste like the approach of victory in this occasion. "Perhaps you recall Radovid of Dulebia's daughters, from the last time we had the misfortune of having to suffer that boor's presence. Among them, only one inherited the fair looks of the highest among the Sclaveni rather than those of the Pannonians and Huns. It was she who the lesser Aloysius chose for his bride." Imagining that hag Arturia spilling her tea at the news brought Alexandra no shortage of entertainment.

"A foolish match made by a half-grown man whose heart rules over his head, then, one which does not add new allies or open new opportunities to his cause. Radovid and his ilk were already certain to support him regardless." Yésaréyu rose even before finishing chewing on his date, and began to pace as he thought over what doors this decision by his brother-in-law had just opened for him. "The lord of Scylla will want recompense which Aloysius cannot give, but which we can. If he needs a new prince's hand in marriage for his daughter…our youngest, Tolemeu, does need a woman to soothe his foul and unruly temper…"

"My thoughts exactly, O Augustus." Alexandra replied lazily, idly toying with one of her own molten-gold curls – court was closed for the day, and here in the Carthaginian palace's private quarters she was free to let her hair fall loosely and gloriously down to her waist, unbound from any covering or diadem. This Helena was a pretty enough girl in her memory, but not so beautiful that she was worth losing the purple over, unlike herself. If the younger Aloysius had the political instincts God could have given to a gnat, he would have abided by his mother's decision and kept the Dulebian as a mistress. "This loss he has managed to score even before his adherents can crown him is our gain," She thought aloud, "And now that Scylla is sure to turn her fairest face toward us, you have your unopposed crossing into Italia."

"Hmph. And here I had been deliberating with my officers as to how best to force the crossing if the lords of Bruttium dare keep the straits closed to us, right before coming here." Yésaréyu snorted and allowed himself a smirk. "Well, it is as the Scriptures say: woe to the kingdom whose king is but a child."

"Were he the spawn of any other woman and not the most immediate obstacle to your return to the throne of your ancestors, I would pity him more than anything." The would-be Augusta remarked with a chuckle, while a servant emerged from the kitchens to begin feeding her fresh grapes and sweet cherries. Frankly she did not actually know her half-brother well enough to hate him, unlike his frigid and self-righteous mother – how the third Aloysius could stand her presence was beyond his daughter. But nothing and nobody could be allowed to stand between the descendants of her sainted mother Euphrosyne who had been born within the confines of lawful matrimony, neither this boy who Father had insisted on siring rather than take the logical decision of naming her and Yésaréyu his heirs nor the bastard her twin had sired with that Arab princess immediately before dying. Alexandra still loved her brother, and would have bowed to him if he'd lived to succeed Father, but if their paths should cross in the afterlife she would certainly rage at him for that and all the unnecessary difficulties it was causing her. "At least you can rest easy for the next few days."

"Perhaps." Yésaréyu said, guarded as ever. Having already prepared his proclamation to challenge Aloysius 'IV' for the purple on the grounds of the latter's supposed bastardy, he would spend tomorrow in seclusion, conducting a solitary vigil in the highest tower of the Byrsa, before making said proclamation public at his acclamation as Augustus Imperator and consequent raising on the shields of his soldiers on the last day of the month. The actual coronation would have to wait, not that Patriarch Garyasanu was unwilling – of course the Lord-King of Africa and his wife had made sure only an ardent loyalist of theirs would be raised up to head the Church of Carthage, they would be in dire trouble well before Aloysius III passed away were that not the case. But legitimacy demanded that it be done by all the Patriarchs of the Ionian Heptarchy, with the Pope playing a central role (and a new one would have to be found after they got rid of this Theodore II, yet another lackey of Arturia's), and that he be anointed with chrism from the Holy Ampulla inherited by the Aloysians from the Merovingian kings.

"Have I not just recounted some good news to you? Why then do you still remain so gloomy, husband?" Alexandra queried in-between fruits, stretching on her lectus as she did so. Yésaréyu was a serious and dour man, whose temperament took the ambitious and high-spirited princess some getting used to in the first years of their marriage – she had not expected, nor at first particularly desired, to marry a man so alike her own father. Even her giving him five children did not seem to enliven him for long.

"It is not your brother I have any concerns about confronting, but the men standing by him." Yésaréyu paused to look out the window, down on the city from which he would be launching his campaign for the purple. "Adalric of the Alemanni, this Radovid who is now his father by marriage, the Count of Blois and the Dukes of Padua and Friuli, and naturally his uncle of Britain. All are hardened captains of men with years or decades of experience from fighting the accursed Saracens, the Magyar hordes, the Norsemen or all three."

"Is that not true of yourself?"

"I am one, and they are many." The Moorish high king folded his hands behind his back. Overcoming a stiff numerical disadvantage to achieve victory was celebrated precisely because it wasn't easy, after all. "Young Aloysius' mistake makes our march easier, but our triumph is not guaranteed yet. We should have done more to win over the friends and lieutenants of your late father. And our overtures to their neighbors have brought mixed results, at best." The Dacians and the Magyars were reluctant to act on their mutual grudges with their Slavic neighbors, which he couldn't blame them for given how exposed their position was and how unlikely the Stilichians could aid them from Africa. Those among the Germans who considered themselves Adalric's rivals rather than his friends might be able and willing to buy them time enough to seize Italy and neutralize their own Spanish rivals, though.

"Perhaps you're right about the Italians, but those Blesevins descended from Merovech have long since accepted the loss of their crown. And Adalric the Teuton…nothing short of Father proclaiming you his heir would suffice to change that old ox's mind." Alexandra stated after some thought, now sounding quite bitter herself. The third Aloysius had earned the loyalty, respect and even admiration of many vassals over the course of his long and active reign, his former squire foremost among them. Whatever the fourth Aloysius' qualities or lack thereof, those vassals would still march with him out of loyalty to Father's wish that the former succeed him; and while Africa was the mightiest of the Empire's sub-kingdoms by a league, truly the Sun at high noon compared to even a united Britain's candle, weight of numbers threatened to balance the scale. Even a bull elephant could be brought down by a sufficiently large horde of ants.

"Well, nothing can be done about that now, when the battle lines have already been drawn. Aside from our own strength, which is not inconsiderable, at least we have some allies of our own – like the Venetians – to contend with those of the Britons." Yésaréyu huffed, while his wife (having finished eating by now) arose and strode over to wrap her arms around him from behind so that they could watch the sunset together. "The foederati marching with your stepmother's son are not our only concern, mind. We must gain victory quickly lest we leave an opening for the Saracens, may God curse them forevermore, to strike through."

Alexandra was a tall woman herself, like most ladies of the Domus Aloysiani, and so had to lower her head to rest it upon one of her husband's shoulders. That she was actually taller than him was a source of some insecurity for the Dominus Rex, try as he might to hide it, early in their marriage. "I must confess, that is something I have wondered about. You Stilichians were always so full of zeal about your duties in the history books, and none who have ruled from Carthago here have raised their sword in rebellion against mine own ancestors who reigned from Trévere. I do not think I could hide my surprise, at least not well enough, when I first broached the topic of succeeding Father with you and you proved considerably more receptive than I had thought."

To Alexandra's further surprise, Yésaréyu's first response to her words was to chuckle. She could remember the last time she had seen him smile (last year when their eldest, Stéléggu, overcame all rival young noblemen who squared off with him with lances or in horse-racing at the African legions' military exercises) but not the last time he'd ever laughed. Her astonishment had only just sunk in when he wryly remarked, "Wife, we Stilichians also have a duty to recover the throne of our ancestors ever since your own ousted our lineage from it more than two hundred years ago. It is high time one of us actually got around to it. I assure you I have not forgotten the enemy to the east, and indeed will strive with all my might to bring this campaign to a triumphant end as quickly as possible lest they take advantage of the inevitable disorder, as I have just said." He drove his fist into an open palm. "'Tis the Saracens who will be the first to feel the same righteous retribution inflicted by the first Stilicho upon the likes of Radagaisus and the vipers of the old Senate, once I recapture what is ours. But for once, that duty must come after the duty I owe to every generation of Stilichian going back to the usurped Egeréu."

"…fair enough." Alexandra huffed, electing to ignore the slight towards the first Aloysius for now even as her eyes narrowed beneath their heavy lids, midnight-blues in pools of smoke which now made her more greatly resemble the dragon to which her house was oft likened by the poets. In that case she actually saw merit to her ancestor's seizure of the throne – claims of primogeniture versus those of blood proximity and all that – and if anything, considered it almost precedent for what they were doing now. But she knew from experience that the defeat of Eucherius of Africa by Aloysius Glorious remained a sore point for the former's descendants, Yésaréyu most certainly included, and that arguing about it would go nowhere fast. "That is quite the wager to make though, that you can defeat the ninth Arthur Pendragon and both of my father's former squires – now redoubtable kings in their own right – as well as the Greeks and all others who would march with them with such alacrity that the Mohammedans will have no time to stir. It seems, shall I charitably say, an ambitious goal."

"Who comes in arms against us but a coalition of the fifth century's vanquished?" Yésaréyu replied, now starting to sound a little heated. "By God's grace the first Stilicho smote Arbogast, who murdered the heir of Valentinian the Great and tried to return the Empire to paganism, on the Frigidus with such radiant might that the Frank killed himself rather than live with the shame of his defeat. Years afterward, he retook Illyricum from the decadent Greeks. And decades later, though he was old and ailing he crushed that heretical usurper Constantine of Britain – he who would have us deny that the Most High has a plan for each of us, had he prevailed – and spiked his head above the gates of Milan. And he did all of that despite starting his life as nothing, with far fewer resources than I command now. I cannot possibly live with myself if I cannot do the same against the descendants of those he rightly trampled, though I was born a prince and command the power of all Africa, most of Spania and additional allies in Italia."

Where had this passion been in their bed all last decade, Alexandra wondered? Admittedly Yésaréyu was in his fifties now and she herself wasn't far behind, but evidently that in no way kept him from being able to call up all the hidden fire and energy of his youthful years when the right task or subject presented itself. Still, she had allowed him one indulgence seconds before this rant, and could not let slide his renewed insults against her ancestor (even if she found his case less disagreeable this time than she had with Aloysius I). "Careful, darling. That first Arbogast who you name so readily may have been a loyal and competent servant of Rome, until he wasn't, but more than that he was also mine own forefather, and thus one to our children besides." She tightened her grip around his wide frame, and her nails began to slowly dig into the rich fabric of his tunic.

"Ah, correct. I assure you I did not intend any offense, wife, though I seek your forgiveness if I have caused you ire regardless." Yésaréyu laughed again, rather more sheepishly this time. It was not even that she was hurting him in any way, but even strong kings know better than to needlessly upset their wives when said wife was an unforgiving imperial princess. "Merely recounting historical facts. But this reminds me why I try not to allow my passions to overtake me in any instant, no matter how justified."

"Hmph. You are forgiven, dear husband." Alexandra relaxed her grip and allowed a more playful note back into her voice. "But I hope you will be a good deal more clever than you were just now, when you come to grips with the task of prosecuting this war we're about to begin. There's much to contend with – besides the armies of the northern kings, the Greeks on our eastern flank have got that secret fire of theirs still – "

"The Venetians assured me that they have had people working on it for years," Yésaréyu cut in. "With any luck, they will already have the secret, or are close to getting it, and will be able to give the Skleroi quite the shock, should they try to fight us on the seas." As far as he knew, the substance was still too unstable to be used in land warfare.

"I hope they speak truly and that your confidence is warranted, then. The Lord knows I will not run from His judgment, but neither do I have any intention of meeting it any time soon, nor do I believe widowhood will suit me." Alexandra remarked immediately before she heard a polite knock on the solar's door, causing her to release her embrace on the African king entirely and turn around. She gestured for the guards to let whoever was on the other side in – it turned out to be one of the higher-ranking palace servants, who informed them that supper was ready.

"Very good. I have scarcely eaten more than that date since high noon, and could well devour a horse." Yésaréyu stated, licking his lips in anticipation. By now, the Sun had set and torches were being lit up not just across the Byrsa, but the entirety of Gardàgénu below.

"And here I thought the Vandals had to forsake horseflesh when they underwent baptism[5]." Alexandra joked, drawing a scoff and a thin smile from her husband as they marched toward the dining room. Along the way she dispatched servants to gather their three younger children, the ones who remained with them since Stéléggu was awaiting their orders in Yudéga[6] and Yabrélla was living with her husband in Ebbone[7], in the triclinium to eat. The imminent outbreak of hostilities would ensure this to be their last supper together for some time, so Alexandra intended to ensure that it proceeded perfectly.

Bdin[8], 15 August 897

"It's done." Alexandros of Antioch spat into the dirt, then drove his bloodied sword into the same spot. With one hand he removed one of his gauntlets, so that he could wipe the sweat from his brow with his now-free other hand. The chief of this town lay dead some steps behind him in a pool of his own blood, and Count Ioannes Skleros was securing the survivors among his household. "Are you certain this will get us any closer to victory over the Latins[9]?"

"Absolutely, O Most August and Christian Majesty." Old Duke Andronikos, father to Ioannes and many others, asserted without hesitation. "The Sklabenoi who have taken for themselves the old name of the Thracians have thrown their lot in fully with the Britons. Every injury done unto them, injures their masters' reach on the Peninsula of Haemus also. We should have begun rooting them out of these lands two, nay, three hundred years ago when they came with the Avars; but as is oft said, though the best time to plant a tree may have been in our fathers' day, the next best time is to-day. And if they wished to avoid meeting our steel, they would have done well to let the old lords of these lands return to take their rightful place in the villas and toil for their betters when the opportunity was still offered to them."

"You don't think any of this may have influenced their decision to rally to the boy-emperor in Augoústa Treveróroum?" Alexander wryly shot back after removing his stifling helmet and mail coif, gesturing with his ungloved hand at the devastation they had just wrought across Bdin – the culmination of the campaign they had set out on even before they knew that the old Emperor Aloysius had died. The screams and sounds of fighting had mostly died down by now, and while fires were still consuming the wooden buildings of this town, the skies darkening (and not just with smoke) overhead and the sensation of the first raindrops on his fingers indicated that God sought to put them out soon enough.

"…sometimes I forget how poorly you took to your history lessons." Andronikos huffed, even as Alexander scowled and the pair & their officers moved for shelter from the oncoming rain beneath the roof of Bdin's ancient, crumbling, but still-standing praetorium. Much of its façade had been torn away for building materials by the Thracian occupiers over the past centuries, but still the core of the structure stood, a symbolic mirror to the condition of the Greeks and their ancient claim to these lands. "The Thracians and other Sklabenoi were our enemies long before this moment. This very town, which we call 'Vidynē' now, used to be called 'Bonónia' before our people were driven from it, and was a hundred times more beautiful then than now besides. They would have marched with the boy Aloysius regardless of whether we struck first or not, since not only has he taken one of their kind for a wife, but he and his mother have pledged to recognize and even extend their theft of Greek lands in exchange for their assistance in arms."

"Do you have a claim to any great share of these lands yourself, great-uncle?" Alexander asked pointedly, propping himself up against one of the ancient Ionic pillars. He had come to increasingly wonder whether the Skleroi had put him forth as a candidate for the purple, even having him publicly acclaimed as such on the streets of Constantinople and raised up on the shields of the Eastern legions prior to being further blessed as Autokrátor by Patriarch Photios II, for the purpose of self-aggrandizement and settling old grudges rather than any genuine conviction that he should succeed Grandfather on the grounds of being the latter's most senior male descendant, illegitimate birth aside.

Andronikos stared at his grandnephew for a few moments, then let out a thin whistling sound from between his yellowed teeth and cracked a thin smile. "This may surprise you, but no. We Skleroi still have the deeds to a few modest properties by Nikópolis from the early sixth century – then and now, Anatolia was and is where our power resides. I assure you that if all I wanted was to recover the westernmost and least of our villas, we would not have marched even half as far as this place."

"Then I must ask you to remind me why we are standing in the ruins of old Bonónia and new Vidynē rather than marching with all haste upon Rome, as the Moors are doing."

"Bonónia here used to be an important port on the Danube, and one of the key places where one could cross from what once was Moesia north of that great river into Thrace proper." Andronikos explained. "The conquests we have secured this past month may not be as splendid as what you imagined for the first cities you would take, grandnephew, but they matter all the same. We have bought off those we could among the Danubian legions and driven those who we could not persuade away; next we must secure the length of the frontier – along the Danube, the mountains of Dardania and Macedonia, what have you – and neutralize the power of the Sklabenoi as much as we are able before going on the offensive elsewhere, lest all those barbarians descend upon Constantinople, Macedonia and Hellas while we are busy fighting for Italy."

"Ah. So we must secure our homeland from all threats before properly contesting the purple, in short?" Alexander next queried, gazing down at his shorter granduncle from where he stood.

"More or less, yes." Though Andronikos would not necessarily define Greece west of the Bosphorus as his homeland. Asia Minor was no less Greek than Thrace or Hellas itself, and the bulk of the Skleroi's own enormous estates were concentrated across those provinces which laid along the Armenian border. Andronikos and his siblings themselves were all born near Asmosaton[10] and Dadima[11], and it was a point of pride among them that their family tree included drops of blood from the Mamikonians and other great Armenian houses. Also if the course of conflict should go poorly for them abroad, they would ideally be able to retreat to the 395 borders of the Eastern Roman Empire (at least in Europe) and hold out against the wrath of either the victorious Aloysians or Stilichians.

Perhaps Alexander was thinking along similar lines though, for his next riposte came thusly: "Well then, what measures have we prepared to secure the eastern border with the Saracen?" He was too young to remember the land he would have considered his own 'homeland', since that last scrap of Ghassanid territory fell to the Crescent despite the best efforts of his maternal grandfather and uncle (and said efforts cost them their lives, even). The Sklabenoi might be barbarians to an even greater degree than the Teutons, but at least many of them had turned to Christ over the centuries; even the newcomer Oungroi had to accept baptism as part of their settlement with his father's great father, as well. But the Saracens were heretics who denied the truth of the Trinity and Christ's parentage as well as his crucifixion, allies to other heretics who denied Christ's nature or that Mary was the Mother of God, and rapacious conquerors & slavers who had already taken so much from Rome besides. They seemed to him the greater evil than any horde of unwashed, moustachioed Slavs or haughty and grasping Latins.

"Well, now we come to the other reason as to why we marched first and most forcefully against the Sklabenoi. Have you been paying attention to the rank and file of our armies?"

"A mite." Alexander answered with narrowing eyes, curious as to where this was going. "They are Greeks, but it seems to me that they do not speak and comport themselves as the Greeks living beyond the Bosphorus do."

That was perceptive of the boy, confirming to Andronikos that it was better he come out with this now than let the former figure it out entirely by himself later. "That would be because they are not. Much of the muscle for our western expedition, other than those legions who have elected to back you and the mercenaries from the Rus', is provided by the Greek families living west of the Bosphorus or descended from western exiles who crossed into Anatolia under Helena Karbonopsina's direction. They have a good deal more to gain than I do from the recovery of northern Thrace and Moesia." Andronikos elaborated, now that his only company were the bodyguards & officers he trusted most and the heavy downpour outside would have kept any eavesdroppers who didn't mind getting wet from hearing what he had to say. "It is important that we appease such allies, lest I and my brother Michael have to dip too deeply into our own core manpower pool in the east. Their emperor Ubaydallah is a weak man, passive and easily distracted – at present, all my intelligence indicates he spends his days trying to rebuild Hadrian's canal between the Red Sea and the Nile, and his nights star-gazing – but still we must exercise a degree of caution."

Ah, now that made sense. Use the strength of the west to fight those further West, keep the strength of the east back to contend with enemies further to the East. Alexander wondered how sustainable that strategy was though, once they were no longer facing just poorly-armed Slavic squatters in the ruins of long abandoned Greco-Roman settlements. Still, there was something which bothered him now. "So truly we are here not merely for the strategic necessity of securing the Danube and what not, as you said before, but for someone's personal gain instead, as I suspected. Even if it is not yours in particular. And you did not think to tell me any of this before I started directly inquiring about the matter?"

"Well, every word I said then was also true. Nonetheless sire, I ask your forgiveness for not having thought to tell you all this previously." Andronikos answered with practiced courtesy, bowing his head. In all regards save his height the young Alexander got his looks from his mother – olive skin further bronzed by the eastern Sun, dark hair and almond-shaped eyes. But in nature he was more like his father, possessing much of the same reckless valor which got the latter killed, and also being much too hot-headed to understand the intricacies of the plots which the Skleroi had been weaving almost from the instant that the elder Alexander got himself killed by the Saracens.

"Bah, you are forgiven granduncle, this time. But I expect no more secrets to be kept from me for any reason, since you have raised me up to be thine own Emperor in the stead of my aunt and uncle both." Alexander further gestured with irritation and barked across the ruin at no-one in particular, "I am Sebastós and Autokrátor! I will not tolerate disobedience and lies, even those by omission, from those serving me! And moreover, I find it shameful that those who profess themselves among my most loyal servants are driven in fact by a selfish lust for land and riches, and not any belief in the righteousness of my cause – that of the departed Alexander Caesar, who they claim to so greatly admire, and the true love of his life – as they said."

"And you are right, great God-sent majesty." Andronikos further soothed. The lad was still young, even if not so young as his rival in Augoústa Treveróroum, so hopefully he would shed the empty vanity and propensity for hollow grandstanding with the passage of time. At least he was easy enough to calm – some assurances of loyalty, a little massaging of his ego, and he went back to being the pliant figurehead the Skleroi had hoped to rule Europe through. "Alas, man being the fallen creature he is, there will always be those who are chiefly interested in their own gain and thus can only be motivated to fight for you by appealing to their baser natures and desires, rather than high ideals. We need not hold them in high regard however, only their swords." The Skleroi themselves were not, for the most part, exceptions to this rule.

"Yes, yes." Alexander asserted, seeming annoyed at the prospect. "So, where to after this? You say the objective of our present campaign is to secure the frontier and contain the Sklabenoi, not to destroy them utterly, so I assume now that we have taken the westernmost Danubian outpost on the Thracian border, we will be marching against the Serbs?"

"That is correct, O Emperor."

"And in the meantime, the Africans and those who would march with my so-called uncle will bleed one another across Italy and Spania. Not a bad deal for us." Alexander mused openly, drawing a small smile from his granduncle. At least he had inherited some of his father's fighting instinct to go with the recklessness, short temper and youthful arrogance. "When we move to bring down the victor, will the seas be clear? Ships can sail in only a day from Dyrrhachion[12] to Brentesion[13], but I hear the Venetians have declared for Gaiseric the Moor and Aunt Alexandra, and I doubt they will simply fail to contest the crossing altogether."

"Feh! Those jumped-up mercers and sea rats pose no threat." Andronikos said with a laugh, one which was echoed by his officers. "Did you know they have been plotting to steal the secret of our 'sticky fire'[14] for years – since before you were born, in fact?" The look on Alexander's face suggested he did not. "Their new friends the Stilichians have tried to speed them along, but our espionage network far exceeds theirs in cunning and numbers both. My brother's agents have been watching theirs, turned more than a few, fed them false information to let them think they have come close to seizing that secret – and very soon, they will spring the greatest trap in the history of spywork since Delilah delivered Samson into the hands of the Philistines. And while they are no match for us at sea without those dreadful flames, the Sklabenoi friends of Aloysius Artorius will keep them busy enough by land."

"It has not even been a minute since I proclaimed that I would brook no more secret-keeping and already I find my father's kindred have kept another secret from me, this time apparently for all my life." Alexander groused, shaking his head. Outside, the rain was easing up, and streaks of light were beginning to break through the dark grey and black clouds overhead – much as these secrets were upon the Eastern Emperor's prodding.

Andronikos in turn tried to look and sound apologetic. "In this case it could not be helped, great majesty. You did not inquire about this subject till now and for obvious reasons, intrigues of this nature must be kept hidden from as many people who are not directly involved as possible."

"I wager that's an excuse that you and yours can use to hide a good many things from me, even things I should know of." Alexander raised a finger to point at his granduncle. "I'll have no more secrets kept from me, granduncle. I command it of you as your Emperor."

"Of course, Most August and Christian Majesty." Said Andronikos, who fully intended to continue keeping a palace's worth of secrets from his grandnephew.

"The rain has let up. We should gather the troops, and our prisoners and plunder, and prepare to march back to camp." Alexander remarked upon glancing outside, where the afternoon Sun was starting to shine in full once more. "We have the Serbs to our front and Thracians to our back – I don't expect they'll sit quietly across the Danube while we subjugate or eradicate their kindred south of her waters. And I sincerely hope you are right about the strength you have left out east, O Megaduke[15]. It would not do for me to pursue the Empire, only to lose its entire eastern half to the Saracen enemy due to some miscalculation." The southernmost of the Sklabenoi, he did not expect to be that much of a challenge. More daunting was the prospect of facing those auxiliaries marching with legions under the white chi-rho on a blue sky, or the red chi-rho enclosed within the Sun on a white sky. He could only pray that they bled each other badly enough that he could pick the winner off easily, and that the Saracens would indeed be too distracted to jump in.

====================================================================================

[1] Moosham Castle, Salzburg.

[2] Mansio – a rest stop on Roman roads for use by high-ranking officials & dignitaries, and source of the word 'mansion'.

[3] An ancient Roman sort of pesto made from herbs, pine nuts, fresh cheese, salt, oil and vinegar.

[4] A Roman alcohol similar to mead (but made by mixing wine, rather than water, with honey).

[5] The Germanic peoples were known to consume horsemeat after sacrificing the horse at a blót, but the practice was steadily suppressed following their Christianization.

[6] Utica.

[7] Hippo Regius.

[8] Vidin.

[9] In this case, 'Latin' refers to the peoples of the former Western Roman Empire who aren't from the federate sub-kingdoms, certainly including both the Aloysian and Stilichian dynasties.

[10] Arsamosata, near modern Elazığ.

[11] Tadım.

[12] Durrës.

[13] Brindisi.

[14] Pŷr kollētikón, one of several native names for Greek fire.

[15] Megas doux – that is, 'grand duke'. It isn't an actual rank yet, but rather its usage indicates Andronikos Skleros' prominence – the first among the eastern dukes by both seniority & proximity of kinship to his overlord, and chief commander of said overlord's forces.
 
Last edited:
I bet that the pendragon side wins and Aloysius Artorius will be the new Roman emperor, since the tables seem to be turned in favor of the Aloysian-Pendragon side, although the Aloysian-Stylician side could also give the surprise and manage to retake the lost throne, although I see it difficult that the Aloysian-Skleroi side manage to have the Roman throne, apart if the pendragons win, it would be as if in the tomb finally the "heretic" emperor ursurper Flavius Claudius Constantine or Constantine III will mock Stilicon and arbogastes, that now his lineage is the one who finally governs the Roman empire, and that, as it were, a "true" Roman emperor symbolically comes to the throne (more similar to the provincial Roman emperors such as the Nerva-Ulpio-Aelius-Antonino, the Severos, and Illyrian emperors up to the branches of the tetrarchy, the Constantinians, etc, and no longer purely Roman-Germanic emperors)
 

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
I bet that the pendragon side wins and Aloysius Artorius will be the new Roman emperor, since the tables seem to be turned in favor of the Aloysian-Pendragon side, although the Aloysian-Stylician side could also give the surprise and manage to retake the lost throne, although I see it difficult that the Aloysian-Skleroi side manage to have the Roman throne, apart if the pendragons win, it would be as if in the tomb finally the "heretic" emperor ursurper Flavius Claudius Constantine or Constantine III will mock Stilicon and arbogastes, that now his lineage is the one who finally governs the Roman empire, and that, as it were, a "true" Roman emperor symbolically comes to the throne (more similar to the provincial Roman emperors such as the Nerva-Ulpio-Aelius-Antonino, the Severos, and Illyrian emperors up to the branches of the tetrarchy, the Constantinians, etc, and no longer purely Roman-Germanic emperors)
Whoops, I quoted your post when it was still in Spanish, fortunately I wandered off for a bit to look at the memes thread. I can't answer directly because it'd be spoiling something that's coming in the next few chapters anyway, but I will say: this is an interesting theory, or teoría interesante if you will. Empress Arturia didn't get her own POV in this past chapter just now (since it's already quite long as is), but if she had, she might well have been thinking along similar lines.

Also, welcome to the thread & the Sietch! :)
 
  • Like
Reactions: ATP

shangrila

Well-known member
Welp, the Skleroi are going to get wrecked. That degree of arrogance never goes well, and they don't seem to understand it's the Sultan not the Caliph who decides now. Incidently, another Andronikos, Andronikos II Palaiologos, historically lost his dynasties' core territories in Asia Minor to Muslims while bleeding out the Empire's remaining strength fighting Venice and Bulgaria (aka the same lands as this timeline's Thracian kingdom), sealing the final decline of the Byzantine Empire. There were even refugee soldiers involved, part of the disaster against the Turks happened when Andronikos removed a garrison of Greek refugees from Crete away from the Anatolian border.

The Pendragons look to have the military advantage, not being exposed to an external border that needs defending, and having most of Aloysius III's army. On the other hand, I expect the Stilichians to have a lot of money hidden away from their surreptitious gold trade with the sub-Sahara and if they could secure Italy have a decisive advantage financially. Historically, the Fatimid Caliphate with core territories roughly coterminous with the African Kingdom swept across Egypt and the Levant in the 970s more on the back of networks of whisperers funded by sub-Saharan gold than their armies.

Also wonder if Alexandra being able to claim the Skleroi holdings if the main family gets attainted for treason is going to come into play. Assuming there are any holdings left after the Muslims get through with them.
 
Last edited:
896-900: Turning Point, Part I

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
896 was, for the most part, an eerily calm year for the Holy Roman Empire. The battle lines between the factions of the Empress, the Queen of Africa and the Prefects of the Orient were being finalized even as their respective heads gathered around the bed of old Aloysius III – in truth soon to be his deathbed, they and he were certain – and carried on the pretense of friendly behavior toward one another as best as they were able. Artur of Britannia shored up his presence on the continent by sending exclusively British reinforcements to 'help' the Treverian legions reach their paper strength with his sister's help (removing those men he had shoring up Máelchon's position in Pictland in the process), while Alexandra double- and triple-checked the allegiances of the Carthaginian legions to ensure her own capital could not be locked down by the enemy the minute her husband declared himself Emperor and said husband ominously gathered troops in Sicily, Sardinia and along his Spanish borders. The Skleroi went so far as to begin skirmishing and raiding with the Thracian Slavs and the Serbs late in the year, claiming the latter were trying to expand their settlements even further south. It was clear that all involved were only waiting for the old Emperor's death to act, and that was something which could not have been much farther off.

As for the Hashemites ruling east of those Skleroi, the main branch under Caliph Ubaydallah did superficially seem similarly calm and uninterested in pursuing hostilities with the outside world. The Caliph himself had begun a project to repair an ancient canal linking the Red Sea to Al-Qadimah[1], formerly called Babylon-in-Egypt by the Romans and still home to a large Monophysite Christian community, which took up all of his attention and energy not already dedicated to studying the stars these days. Al-Turani had other ideas however, and aside from swatting down two minor revolts among the brutalized and overworked zanj in spring and autumn of this year, he also began to quietly marshal the Islamic armies – rested and rebuilt in the years following the last peace settlement with Aloysius III – in conquered Upper Mesopotamia with plans to strike along a wide front from Antioch to Armenia. His Egyptian lieutenant Lashkari al-Farghani, successor to the retired Al-Shirvani, was to do the same with the intent of leading an expedition against the Africans.

For the Alids further still eastward, of course, it was rather too late to try to hide their aggression toward their neighbors. The Salankayana push into Islamic Hind was well underway this year, running into and causing trouble for – ironically – the Indian Alids who were not part of their cousins' coalition against the Indo-Romans. These Alid governors rallied under the banner of the oldest and most powerful of their number, Ahmad al-Hajjaj ibn Junayd, but they were defeated in the first battles of Vijayalaya's campaign at Bhillamala[2] and Mandore. Help from Kufa was not forthcoming, since as far as Al-Turani and the Caliph were concerned, if the Alids saw fit to flout their overlord's authority so easily then surely they could hardly expect to count on that overlord to bail them out the instant they ran into trouble: and if they did, well, firstly experiencing some humbling blows delivered from the hands of foreign infidels might actually do them good. All this was of little concern to the Alid troublemakers, who continued to push against the beleaguered Theonesios and drove the Indo-Romans out of most of their remaining territories west of the Caucasus Indicus, although the Belisarian king was able to score a rare victory by successfully relieving the siege of Adinapura this time around.

GfBpIPx.png

Battle between the Alid and Salankayana cavalry near Mandore

In China, there was little time for the victorious Duzong to rest on his laurels, though he had just managed the feat of reunifying China (mostly) diplomatically. First order of business for the old Emperor was to deal with his now-former Jurchen allies, who he was now casting as a threat to unite the Northern and Southern Chinese against. Fortunately for Duzong, said Jurchens were utterly exhausted and exsanguinated from having just barely managed to pull off two back-from-the-brink victories in a row against the Liang, and in no shape to resist the massively reinforced Chinese armies bearing down upon them this year. Minzong of Jin was soundly defeated on the few occasions that he dared try to fight the True Han in the field and had to beat a hasty retreat back over the Great Wall. To add insult to injury, the Koreans ceased paying him tribute & even killed his envoys when he sent men to demand an explanation in this moment where the Jurchens could hardly lift a lance against them.

Peace was made in short order, by which the Jin saw themselves kicked out of all Chinese lands south of the Great Wall but were allowed the concession of being recognized as overlords of the Khitans, whose pretension to the 'Liao' dynasty was duly disbanded with the Liang no longer around to function as their patrons. Minzong was left seething at this outcome, as was his successor Yuanzong after he was assassinated by dissatisfied vassals later in 896, but all attempts at a third dramatic reversal against the reunited China had failed and so there was little they could do at this time – indeed they were lucky to still be standing at all. Now able to boast that he had tamed the Jurchen barbarians and restored tranquility to the northern frontier with 'thunderclap suddenness', Duzong began to turn to internal affairs. He did not immediately move the capital from Jiankang to Chang'an, which was generally considered the natural choice for any dynasty calling itself 'Han' to be based out of, but he did install his heir Liu Yi, Prince of Han there with his own court & household as well as the expectation that the latter would move the capital to that venerable city when he became Emperor.

Duzong sought to integrate the Liang aristocracy into the new order in China with a minimum of alienation and assorted troubles, for although their ranks may have been thinned by the bloodshed between the fallen Liang and his own dynasty or the barbarians over the past decades, they were still a considerable force north of the Yangtze and to antagonize them into rebellion would be to overturn his own achievement of a peaceful reunification. He acknowledged their continued ownership of the estates which they held under Liang rule 'in perpetuity' and accepted into his service all those Liang officers who wished to remain in arms, but offered supremely generous retirement packages (including not just financial gifts but also substantial lands in the newly-retaken far northern provinces, or the less-newly-retaken far western ones) to try to get as many of them out of his way so that they could be replaced with more loyal southern officers. Duzong also retained the service of the northern civil bureaucracy (as he had promised to obtain their cooperation), but imported the expansion of the civil service examination system carried out by his predecessors into this new half of his empire as well: his objective was to double, or even triple, the size of the northern bureaucracy and thus massively outnumber the old Liang civil servants with officials who owed their promotion to the Han, thereby marginalizing the former without directly sacking them.

cX3ttMR.jpg

Liang and Han bureaucrats trying to sit & work next to each other under their new common overlord

897 marked the beginning of the long-dreaded great disaster for the House of Aloysius and for Christendom as a whole, for it was in this year that Aloysius the Old – despite his lengthy struggle and best efforts – could no longer keep Death waiting at his door by sheer grit and force of will. Feeling the imminency of his shuffling off the mortal coil, Aloysius had summoned his son back to his side from the shore of Lake Pelso in the summer months, and called upon both his daughter Alexandra & the Stilichians on one hand and Prefect Michael Skleros of the Orient to come and reaffirm that they would indeed bend their knees before the younger Aloysius as the next Holy Roman Emperor: but both parties refused, having so totally committed to their present courses that not even Alexandra could back down for love of her father, and he received nothing but stony silence from both Carthage and Constantinople. His final attempt at averting hostilities & reconciling the cliques which had grown at court in his twilight years having thus failed (and his golden daughter's refusal to either come see him or do her part in preventing a civil war in his very last days most likely fatally breaking his heart), the Emperor died at the age of seventy-seven in early July, having reigned longer than any Aloysian before or probably ever will since.

The newly-minted Aloysius IV heard of his father's demise while still on the way back to Trévere, having stopped in Noricum to wed his childhood friend and true love Elena Radovidova with the connivance of her father, his guardian – in the process defying his mother's arrangement of his betrothal to Giuditta of Sicily, which had been made known to him with the intent of holding the ceremony as soon as he reached the capital. Suffice to say, Arturia greeted her son and daughter-in-law in a foul mood a few days later, but there was nothing the Empress Dowager could do at that point since Aloysius was resolute in pursuing this marriage and she could not afford to alienate her late husband's former squire (and with him, all the lances of the Dulebes) – all that, and over the coming months the new Empress would demonstrate signs of a progressing pregnancy. Alexandra immediately capitalized on her half-brother's error to snap up the offended Bruttian lords, arranging for Giuditta's marriage to her own youngest son Tolemeu (Gre.: 'Ptolemaios') – where before Arturia intended to hold the Strait of Messina against the inevitable African offensive, now those Moors had thrown the same crossing wide open.

After proclaiming Aloysius to be the bastard of Arturia rather than his father's lawful son, his dishonoring of the House of Scilla in breaking their betrothal being portrayed as proof positive that he was a figurative bastard in addition to a literal one, and thereby claiming the purple for himself by right of his wife, Yésaréyu wasted no time in striving to bring about the Stilichian restoration which he and his precursors had hoped for over the past 200 years. The Carthaginian Patriarch Garyasanu (Ber.: 'Carcasan') blessed him in this endeavor, but his actual coronation would have to wait until all the other Heptarchs had been made to bend the knee and he'd also secured other markers of imperial legitimacy, such as the proper coronation chrism. The main Moorish army crossed from Messina to Scilla, where they were greeted not with sealed gates and arrows but the flowers and kisses of a cheering crowd, and from there rapidly fanned out to secure Bruttium and Lucania, whereupon the Southern Italian barons mostly threw their lot in with the oncoming mighty host one after another – even those who weren't intimidated into submission were bought off by great gifts of gold from the overflowing African treasury, enriched by their control over the salt mines of the Sahara & trade with Ghana. Gregorio II, Duke of Naples was the first Italian lord to try to resist the African advance in the name of Aloysius IV, but he was assassinated by his brother Marino who then bade Yésaréyu welcome into their city, and was named the next Duke ahead of Gregorio's son Stefano as a reward.

1JlDcKw.png

Yésaréyu of Africa, or rather 'Flavius Gaisericus Augustus' as he would have proclaimed himself at the onset of his quest to seize the purple. Aged 51 at the time, the African Dominus-Rex had the fewest allies among the other federates of all the claimants, but compensated for it with the single mightiest sub-kingdom within Christendom and his own considerable battle experience

By the end of 897, the Moors had invaded Latium and were in the process of besieging Rome, where Pope Theodore had refused to even begin negotiating any potential capitulation. A second Moorish army, meanwhile, had set out from southern Hispania with additional African reinforcements brought by Yésaréyu's eldest son and so-called Caesar Stéléggu. This host hoped to cripple the Lusitanians and Aquitani, allies of the Pendragons by both marriage and strategic convenience, before crossing into southern Gaul and then northern Italy. To that end Stéléggu did his level best to attack the Lusitanians and Aquitani before they could combine their forces, and in that he had some success: at the Battle of Siruela he routed the former while they were still marshaling their own army for an invasion of African Spania, taking King Argantonio ('Arganthonios') captive, though his son Vímara Argantones escaped and would continue to lead the Lusitanians against the Moors. As for the latter, the Aquitani did not have the numbers to withstand the Moors in open combat without their neighbors and Stéléggu proved it by defeating Ramon (Old Aquitanian: 'Erramon', Fra.: 'Raymond') III of Aquitaine in the Battle of Octogesa – since warriors from the Berber tribe of Miknasa proved decisive to breaking the Aquitanians' attempt to hold the river crossings there, the victors renamed the town Mequinenza after them, and as Barcelona's civic leadership capitulated soon after Raymond was compelled to fall back into the mountains of Vasconia where his odds of fending off the Africans were far better.

Aloysius IV himself had almost no time to deal with the Southern Roman offensives this year, since he first had to completely lock down his northern power-base. While Britain and Gaul supported him (he and his uncle Artur honorably allowed the African inquisitors to leave Britain unmolested, but naturally their departure and the Britons' new great distraction gave the Pelagian heretics they were supposed to be suppressing together some respite), there were some among the Teutons who dissented – a number of Saxon and Thuringian lords, chiefly, who took the side of Yésaréyu due to their own personal rivalries, either with his chief Germanic supporter Adalric (for they resented the power and primacy the Alemanni had enjoyed under Aloysius III) or their own pro-Aloysian neighbors. Though the insurgent coalition was on paper at a serious disadvantage against the loyal Northern Roman forces marching out of Trévere to dispose of them, their leader Egbert von Salza[3] capitalized on the youthful Emperor's inexperience at arms to nearly defeat him in the Battle of the Unstrut this autumn. Aloysius deployed his army in a highly conventional, by-the-book manner and was astonished when the seemingly inferior rebel army successfully held the fords against his larger but dispersed ranks, in spite of his British longbowman corps demonstrating their superiority in the initial missile exchange between the two sides; their counterattack throwing his men back left him practically paralyzed and it fell to Adalric & his uncle Artur to lead a counter-charge against the most powerful rebel column himself, whereupon the former killed Von Salza in single combat and routed the rebels despite his own advanced age.

The new Augustus Imperator was well-read, but clearly reading De Re Militari and the Virtus Exerciti constituted no substitute for actual combat experience, and he would have to rely greatly on the immensely grizzled captains he'd inherited from his father if he was to have any chance at winning this war. Where Aloysius was able to exhibit some talent of his own was in the realm of diplomacy, where despite having bungled all of his mother's plans for the defense of Italy at the very beginning of his reign, he followed up the victory at the Unstrut by reaching out to vanquished lords who had retreated to their castles to further defy him. By extending a forgiving hand and moderate terms, he was able to induce their surrender one after another, taking hostages and shrinking but not eliminating their domains to the benefit of those who had remained loyal to him. At the same time, among the concessions he did wrest from them were territorial cessions to not just the loyal German lords but also their Slavic neighbors, who had further been promised seats in the Senate and recognition as kings equal to the other federates at long last – all of which served to tip the likes of the Wends, Bohemians and non-Dulebian South Slavs into his column. In this manner Aloysius was able to clear out all threats to his rule in & around Germania by the end of 897, and thus free his armies up to fight those of his sister and the Skleroi elsewhere.

Ki8etBR.png

Aloysius IV, the Northern Roman Emperor, at the start of his reign. Only 17 when his venerable father passed, he began said reign with quite the mistake to make up for and relied greatly on his vastly more experienced vassals to win the war for him

Besides the western Mediterranean, the other great 'elsewhere' had to be the eastern Mediterranean. Old Vinidario della Bella, now Duke of Friuli, had moved to lay siege to Venice itself with Torismondo della Grazia, Duke of Padua and the Carantanian Slavs. Unfortunately for the Northern Roman loyalists in and around northeast Italy, their inability to navigate the difficult and marshy terrain around the Venetian Lagoon as well as the Friulians' own rivalry with their Carantanian neighbors rendered their siege lines utterly ineffectual. The Venetians used their unhindered supremacy in the Adriatic to easily reinforce & supply the other cities of their league against Croat and Serb besiegers as well, though after a plot to steal the secret of Greek fire from Constantinople terminated disastrously with all of their spies being lured out and hanged by the Skleroi late in the year, they were reluctant to challenge the Greeks at sea.

And speaking of the Skleroi, not only did they acclaim Alexander the Arab as Emperor in the Queen of Cities but they went on the warpath against the South Slavs, particularly the Serbs and Thracians. Calling upon those great Greek landlords or dynatoi who still had claims upon lands settled by the Sclaveni in previous centuries, Alexander and his greatuncle Duke Andronikos laid waste to many of the Thracian settlements in the former province of Moesia, ultimately pushing as far as the town of Bdin (or 'Vidynē' to the Greeks) before turning west to do the same unto the Serbs living in the Dardanian mountains. At the Battle of Skoúpoi[4] the Eastern Romans defeated a rare combined army of the Serbs and those Thracian warriors who managed to stay ahead of their devastating initial advance, securing those mountains as a northern buffer zone with which to protect Macedonia & Hellas while also compelling the Serbian prince Vlastimir to lift his siege of Dulcigno[5] (promised to him by Aloysius as a territorial concession to definitively secure the Serbs' support) in order to better combat the Hellenic threat. The latest Roman civil war was on and there could be little doubt that much would change, no matter who won at this important turning point in the Empire's history.

sbjTCIo.png

Alexander the Arab accepts a crown from the Skleroi and Patriarch Photios of Constantinople, though he dares not actually place it on his head until all of his rivals have been defeated. He began in-between the Stilichians and Aloysians in the strength of his 'base' kingdom and the number of allies he had on hand, but with the additional complication of having the most vulnerable border with the Caliphate as well

898 brought with it some good news for the Northern Roman faction, as in the spring the Empress Elena gave birth to an heir for this branch of the Aloysian dynasty: a boy baptized as Aloysius, just as his father had been named for his grandfather, who by the date of his birth was most likely conceived on the couple's wedding night. This was about the only break Aloysius IV would be catching all year however, for the Roman garrison surrendered to Yésaréyu's army after having spent ten months under siege with no hope of relief. Torismondo of Padua had left the siege of Venice to his neighbors and moved south to make an attempt at lifting the Moors' own siege of the Eternal City, but with his numbers he rapidly found he had no chance against the African army and beat a hasty retreat following his confrontation with not even by the whole African army, but merely one of its divisions under Yésaréyu's son-in-law Bedu (Van.: 'Ovida'), Count of Ebbone, at the Battle of Camerino.

Now Pope Theodore II (being a staunch Aloysian partisan) shut himself up in the Castel Sant'Angelo, formerly better-known as the Mausoleum of Hadrian until the Archangel Michael was reportedly seen on its roof presiding over the end of one of the sixth century's dreadful plagues in the city street. Yésaréyu expected as much and set a guard under Tolemeu's command around the fortress – of course assassinating the Pope was out of the question, as had devastating the cultural & spiritual core of the Empire's western half been (which was why he kept his soldiers on an iron leash of discipline as they marched through Italy), but with any luck they could starve him out and either compel him to crown the African king Emperor in exchange for allowing his return to the Lateran, or else wait until he died of starvation and ensure the election of a more pliant Pontiff. Theodore, for his part, had stored up a considerable stockpile of provisions in the Castel Sant'Angelo in expectation of having to retreat there and awaiting rescue by the Northern Romans, thus locking himself and Tolemeu into a lengthy waiting game.

After having taken Rome and brought the Central Italians to heel, Yésaréyu continued onward to relieve Venice, which he did by the onset of winter this year. The Italo-Goths and Carantanians, now consolidating their forces and abandoning their ineffectual siege of that great maritime power entirely, moved to engage the Africans in the Battle of Ravenna but were soundly beaten: first the Carantanian contingent under their Prince Pavel were pushed back by forward elements of the Moorish host in a skirmish outside nearby Forlì (as the latter-day common Italians had taken to calling the former Forum Livii), and following this poor start the entire Northern Roman army was put to flight in the battle proper a day later, after which Yésaréyu routed them from the Polesine to the north as well and succeeded in linking up with the Venetians overland.

Radovid of the Dulebes, who was supposed to have come to his southern allies' aid, had found himself tied down by the Dacians. They had initially been reluctant to enter the conflict but did so now on the side of the Skleroi to help dismember the Thracian principality and also seize some contested territories around the Danube from Dulebia. Consequently, once he had brought the Germans to his side as a whole (or at least gotten the die-hard opponents of Adalric out of his way), Aloysius IV would have to move to assist his father-in-law rather than directly confront the Stilichians in Italy. Since the Aquitani were unable to obstruct Stéléggu's advance along the southern Gallic coast and his capture of Narbonne (although they were able to protect their core territory in the Battle on the Garonne this year), Aloysius detached his mother's cousin Hoël, Duke of Armorica, from the main body of his army to take command over the western front against Yésaréyu's heir and prevent the latter from linking up with his father in Italy at all costs.

While the Hashemite senior line was making its final preparations for a great invasion of Armenia & eastern Asia Minor which would capitalize on the ongoing Roman disunity, their kindred continued to strive against said Romans' distant cousins in India this year. Assisted by the Salankayanas opening up a second front to the south and making the situation so dire for the Alids that those battling across Bactria & Arachosia had to redirect some of their troops southward to stop the Hindu advance, Theonesios had managed to staunch the bleeding and rallied his armies to push the Saracens back from the walls of Adinapura in a bloody engagement this year. However, he was unable to recover any ground west of that city and the reinforced Alid coalition in the south dealt a harsh rebuke to the Indians at the Battle of Nagapura[6], putting a stop to Vijayalaya's own offensive.

In 899, Aloysius and the Northern Romans did descend upon the Dacians and others who had taken up arms with the Eastern Romans in the final push to secure their backyard (so to speak) before turning to the more dramatic confrontations awaiting them along the Mediterranean coast. While still physically present with the Northern army, the Emperor wisely delegated command decisions to Adalric & Radovid, who proceeded to inflict a sharp defeat on the Dacian army of Voievod Dan I at the Battles of Kosjíprol[7] and Chorniy Grad[8]. These victories induced the formerly neutral Magyars to declare for Aloysius, which in turn drove Dan to surrender before his northern neighbor could take too much land away from him & his people; in turn the clement Northern Emperor accepted the Dacians back into his service, though he assigned them to a risky 'honor' in his vanguard where they would be expected to make up for their dis-service.

The Northern Romans next marched to the aid of Vlastimir and the Serbs & loyal Thracians, in the process also striking up periodic situational alliances with their Eastern Roman rivals to suppress local outbreaks of the Gnostic 'Bogomil' ('dear-to-God') heresy among the devastated and disillusioned Thracian lands as they did so – his coming into conflict with these heretics gave Aloysius additional motivation on top of the lingering Pelagians to bring a victorious conclusion to this war more swiftly, lest more of his subjects turn away from Roman ways and the Ionian Church which represented one of the most important pillars of Roman rule. For their part, the Greeks now commanded by Count Ioannes Skleros (a son of Duke Andronikos) generally retreated before the massively reinforced Slavic armies, falling back to the prepared buffer zone they had carved out for themselves in the mountains of Dardania and southern Thrace. The main thrust of the Eastern Roman war effort had already moved to Italy: their outnumbered fleet torched the Venetian one in the Battle off Otranto to clear a path, after which Andronikos and Alexander landed in southeastern Italy.

This new challenge compelled Yésaréyu to lift his siege of Milan, one of the most loyal redoubts of the Aloysians in northern Italy and also the temporary capital of that peninsula's Praetorian Prefecture, to see this new threat off. Tolemeu had already tried and failed to meet the Eastern Romans in the Battle of Benevento, where the African prince had hoped to use the River Calore to balance out his severe numerical disadvantage only for the Greeks to pin his available troops down with feints and cross wherever they found their advance uncontested, after which he abandoned his own siege of Castel Sant'Angelo and withdrew to defend Rome from the Skleroi. Yésaréyu clashed with Andronikos & Alexander in the Battle of Rieti northeast of Rome, near the bloodsoaked fields where the Western-Eastern Roman alliance had brought Attila down five hundred years prior; at roughly 30,000 strong apiece, both armies filled this new field with almost as many soldiers as the original Battle of the Rieti Plain had. But the Moors had the victory here, drawing the inexperienced but cocksure Alexander (whose opinion of his own generalship had been inflated by the preceding victories) into a reckless charge with the feigned retreat of their light cavalry, followed by a counterattack spearheaded by their heavy knights.

Thus the Eastern Romans ended 899 by retreating in disarray back toward southeastern Italy, their plan for a quick & triumphant march into Rome foiled, but this was not the end of their troubles. Al-Turani launched his long-prepared invasion out of Upper Mesopotamia in this year as well, and the Skleroi were quickly shown to have grossly underestimated the Saracens' power and overestimated their own when the forces they had left in that region (which they thought would have been adequate to contain any Islamic attack) were crushed in the Battle of Arzen – here Prefect Michael's eldest son (and thus one of Andronikos' nephews) Count Georgios was killed, as was the Armenian king Ashot II Mamikonian, alongside as many as 10,000 Eastern Roman and Caucasian troops or half their eastern field army. By the time 899 was over, the Saracens had overrun huge tracts of southern Armenia and were also pushing into southeastern Anatolia, while the news of his favorite son's death amid the disastrous battle caused the already extremely elderly Prefect Michael to suffer a fatal heart attack and thus deprived the Skleroi of their foremost political leader.

wNVjbV3.jpg

Count Georgios Skleros, clinging to an Eastern Roman standard, and the purple-cloaked Ashot of Armenia staring down their imminent demise as the Saracens move in for the kill

Lashkari al-Farghani had also launched the planned secondary push into Africa, though he was unable to replicate his superior's smashing victory in the sands of Libya and only got as far as Oea for now. Yésaréyu's brother Tanaréyu (Van.: 'Athanaric') was responsible for contending with him here, and did so more successfully than Georgios Skleros had done even though his army was considered second-rate compared to the forces taken by his brother and nephew to square off against their fellow Romans – comprised mostly of local Berbers, veteranii swayed into leaving retirement by generous salaries, and additional mercenaries from as far as Ghana. In any case, despite their rousing victory at Rieti and containment of Al-Farghani's attack (for now) the Moors also had their own share of troubles: Pope Theodore did not take the opportunity to leave Rome, being firmly of the opinion that a Patriarch should rather die in their God-given seat than flee danger, but he did take advantage of the chaos brought on by the Eastern Roman incursion to fully resupply the Castel Sant'Angelo with the help of sympathetic Roman citizens. The Rolandine duke Hoël was also off to a good start in his quest to defend the western provinces, for he repelled Stéléggu's attack on Arles in a hard-fought engagement this year while the Aquitanians & Lusitanians continued to bite into the African crown prince's back from the domains left to them.

No sooner had their seniors initiated the latest Islamic invasion of the Roman world did the Alids in the east seek to come to terms with their own enemies, both to avoid burning too many resources too quickly against the formidable might of the Later Salankayanas and to consolidate those gains they had already managed to acquire from the Indo-Romans – said Alids had learned from at least some of their ancestors' mistakes, and would carefully pace their conquests in this extremely rugged and difficult region so as to minimize the risk of overextension or open themselves up to a Christian/Hindu counterattack. Theonesios and Vijayalaya both made attempts to recover additional ground throughout the first half of 899, but the former was defeated once more in the eastern approach to Kophen (now simply 'Kabul' to its new Arab overlords) and took up Abd al-Rahman's offer when the latter sued for peace. Vijayalaya, for his part, grumbled at Theonesios' concession of Kophen and its environs, but was unwilling to continue fighting without allies and sufficiently mollified by the Muslims' cession of the territories up to & within part of the Thar Desert which he had himself occupied to stand down for now.

Spreading news of the disastrous rout of the easternmost Eastern Roman forces at Arzen and the demise of Prefect Michael compelled his brother & grandnephew to mostly abandon their Italian adventure in 900, much to the relief of the Stilichians who could now concentrate against their Aloysian rivals once more. The Northern Romans too noticed pressure on the Balkan front slackening as the Eastern Romans hastily redirected their soldiers there eastward and committed those remaining to a strictly defensive posture, freeing up all the remaining strength of the South Slavs to support an offensive against the Venetian league and the Southern Roman positions in Italy. Aloysius' generals obtained the surrender of Spalato and Traù in rapid succession, while Crepsa (being more safely situated on an island) held out until an uprising among the mostly-Sclaveni slaves in its market gave the besiegers an opening through which to successfully storm it. Vikla, and of course Venice itself, both proved unassailable at this time however.

4XyNVoU.png

African knights with Norman-style teardrop shields and a 'Blackamoor' mercenary long-spearman from beyond the Sahara on their way to confront the Aloysians' attempt to push into Italy, carrying with them a Carthaginian Patriarchal standard and a devotional Marian banner

In any case, Yésaréyu hoped to keep the Northern Romans out of Italy altogether and to induce the surrender of their remaining Italian supporters (namely the Della Grazia brothers who were still defiantly holding Milan) by defeating Aloysius IV in a major battle this year, while his young rival was eager to reopen the road to Rome so that he might finally be crowned there with all the due pomp & ceremony necessary to legitimize an Augustus Imperator beyond reproach. Thus the two marched into what would be the first significant battle directly pitting both Latin imperial claimants against one another along the at-times indistinct boundary between northeastern Italy and the Carantanian lands. Yésaréyu desired a fight along the banks of the Frigidus, now called the Vipava by the Carantanians, for its auspicious symbolism; however the Northern Romans were not inclined to grant this wish and instead maneuvered through the passes in friendly Bavarian & Carantanian territory, compelling the Moors to engage them in the upper Isonzo valley near a village which the Italo-Goths called Kaborệdu[9], also known as Kobarid to the Carantanians and Caporetto to the 'proper' Italians.

The Northern Roman advance guard – Carantanians and Croats mixed with Artur of Britannia's men, including sellswords from as far as Ireland and a smattering of his own British knights – emerged from the mountains and marched into the town on a May morning, securing it in a further brief but bloody skirmish with the Africans' own forward-most light cavalrymen. The actual Battle of Kaborệdu did not take place until the afternoon since both sides needed a few more hours to arrive in full and form up for combat (in the process practically filing the valley & the surrounding heights from end to end with men), which kicked off with renewed clashes between the Northern and Southern Roman skirmishers: this time though, the latter held the advantage – Artur had brought an interesting new sight onto the battlefield in the form of his Irish mercenary kerns & hobelars, mounted men fighting with javelins and Gaelic long-knives called scians from atop the agile and hardy ponies of their homeland, but their lack of armor left them at a crippling disadvantage against the Moorish horse-archers.

The main African attack which followed pushed the larger but more heterogenous Northern Roman army out of Kaborệdu, for Artur and the chivalry of Britain, Gaul, Germany & Sclavinia were defeated in their great clash with the chivalry of Africa, Spain & southern Italy in and around its streets. But any celebration at this stage was premature, for the Africans next ran into an insurmountable obstacle on the heights & hills around the town: British longbowmen perched on the high ground, protected not only by dismounted knights, Anglo-Norse housecarls and heavily armored Swabian swordsmen but also rows of stakes, pointing outward from the ground and arranged in such a way as to funnel any attacking force into passages most strongly defended by their supporting infantry. The Africans could not break through such redoubtable defenses either on foot or ahorse, and their own archers were outranged not only by the Britons' longbows but also on account of the latter's terrain advantage. Once their attacks had completely stalled against the Northern Roman defense and their ranks were sufficiently thinned by the Britons' withering arrows, Adalric directed the Northern Roman reserves into a furious downhill counterattack which would have swept the Moors from the field entirely were it not for their own reserve, whose commitment under the personal command of Yésaréyu stabilized the situation south of Kaborệdu.

LOTIAis.jpg

In their very introduction to large-scale combat with rival Romans, the longbowmen of Britannia immediately proved themselves an unrivaled threat at range when properly supported and given time to prepare on the high ground

Nightfall forced an end to the fighting, giving both sides some time to collect their dead & wounded and also plan their next moves. Deducing that he could not defeat the British so long as they were entrenched on such favorable terrain, Yésaréyu ordered a retreat from Kaborệdu – as much as it pained him to fall back in the face of his dynastic rivals even once, it would be still more foolish of him to throw his men away on one futile charge after another against unshakeable enemy positions such as those he had encountered earlier in the day for no reason other than his pride. Instead the African king hoped to set up an ambush against the Northern Romans, who themselves needed some time to rest and regroup after the hard fighting around Kaborệdu & to reinforce their ranks on account of the bloody casualties they had sustained in the earlier stages of the battle; Yésaréyu knew from the Vikings' own earlier battlefield successes against the Britons that their longbowmen were a good deal less formidable if caught outside of a well-prepared defensive position.

The Southern Romans got their chance for revenge near the wine-growing town of Conegliano, a ways southwest of the battlefield of Kaborệdu but still eastward beyond the Piave River which they considered their most dire fall-back position. Though unable to successfully execute the ambush he had tried to contrive, Yésaréyu still saw a chance to attack his adversaries before they had fully arrayed for battle and did so at the urging of his son Tolemeu, who boldly led the African cavalry on a charge that (while reckless) succeeded in scattering Artur's vaunted British archers and would have routed the Northern Romans entirely were it not for Adalric's rearguard action. Both sides had now taken a measure of the other's strengths and weaknesses, and came to accept that this war would not be as easily won as they had hoped for – they could only hope that whoever won in the end, would neither take too long nor cause too much devastation in so doing.

As for the Eastern Romans, the situation east of the Bosphorus was more than a little precarious by the time their chosen Emperor and the grand duke Andronikos arrived with reinforcements. The Saracens had gone so far as to sack Dvin, the capital of the Armenian kingdom, and had driven as deeply as Nyssa in Cappadocia to the west. The Cilician Bulgars had been compelled to abandon the plains where they had settled in favor of the nearby mountain strongholds, and no small number of them had been killed or carried off as slaves by the Muslims before they could reach safety too. At the exhortation of the young Eastern Emperor the Greeks surged into battle with Al-Turani east of Lake Tatta[10], and there won a victory against the Muslims in the brackish marshes which hindered the latter's horsemen. However, this victory was hardly a crippling blow to old Al-Turani – it merely checked the Islamic advance, and they had a long way to go still to kick the Muslims out of Roman soil, a road along which doubtless Alexander would chew his granduncle out for having bungled the defense of the eastern frontier so badly as he marched onward.

r2B5hqW.png


1. Northern Roman Empire (Aloysius IV)
2. Southern Roman Empire (Gaiseric)
3. Eastern Roman Empire (Alexander the Arab)
4. Burgundy
5. Swabia
6. Bavaria
7. Frisia
8. Saxony
9. Thuringia
10. Lombardy
11. Aquitaine
12. Lusitania
13. Britannia
14. Lutici & Obotriti
15. Bohemians & Moravians
16. Dulebes
17. Carantanians
18. Croats
19. Serbs & Thracians
20. Dacia
21. Magyars
22. Cilician Bulgars
23. Armenia
24. Georgia
25. Caucasian Alans & Avars
26. Pictland
27. Norse Kingdom of the Isles
28. Free Irish (Uí Néill, Ulaidh, Laigin, Eóganachta-Mumhain & Connachta)
29. Hiberno-Norsemen
30. Norway
31. Sweden
32. Denmark
33. Pomeranians
34. Poland
35. Ruthenia
36. Dregoviches
37. Kryviches
38. Rus'
39. Baltic tribes of the Prussians, Scalvians, Curonians, Samogitians & Aukstaitians
40. Hashemite Caliphate
41. Alid principalities
42. Nubia
43. Ghana
44. Khazaria
45. Pechenegs
46. Kimeks
47. Oghuz Turks
48. Karluks
49. Indo-Romans
50. Later Salankayanas
51. Gujarat
52. Chandras
53. Tamil kingdoms of the Cheras, Cholas & Pandyas
54. Anuradhapura
55. Tibet
56. Uyghurs
57. True Han
58. Khitans
59. Jurchen Jin
60. Nanzhong
61. Silla
62. Nam Việt
63. Champa
64. Kambuja
65. Japan
66. Srivijaya
67. Sailendra
68. New World Norse
69. New World Irish
70. Annún
71. Mississippian Empire

d5bDH2S.png

====================================================================================

[1] Old Cairo.

[2] Bhinmal.

[3] Langensalza.

[4] Scupi – Skopje.

[5] Ulcinj.

[6] Nagaur.

[7] Kecskemét.

[8] Csongrád.

[9] Kobarid.

[10] Lake Tuz.

Merry Christmas, readers! :)🎄 With this entry we have ended the ninth century on a turbulent note. Next week I'll be ending this year/starting the new one with a factional overview, and then it's on to our tenth & final century.
 

Users who are viewing this thread

Top